"The American Psychological Association defines trauma as “an emotional response to a terrible event. . . .” Trauma can be experienced as a response to either physical or emotionally disturbing circumstances. The Journalism and the Pandemic Project from the International Center for Journalists (
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ICFJ) and the Tow Center for Digital Journalism at Columbia University, in their global survey of journalists, have studied the impact of the pandemic on journalists across the globe. The COVID-19 pandemic has caused varying degrees of disruptions in the personal and professional lives of journalists. Traumatic experiences like covering traumatic events up close, COVID-induced health issues, job loss, pay cuts, and insecurity at the workplace have consumed journalists like never before. Overwhelming emotions like shock, helplessness, loneliness, depression, and anxiety are some of the reactions observed by mental health experts. Indian journalists, too, like their counterparts across the globe, have had to take on the challenges posed by this unprecedented crisis. This article intends to study the impact of the pandemic on Indian journalists both from physical and emotional perspectives. The objectives of the study include—(a) to analyze the journalists’ response to traumatic experiences during the pandemic, (b) to study the nature of trauma experienced by journalists during the pandemic, (c) to analyze how traumatic experiences affected the journalists, and (d) to explore and analyze how journalists managed to cope with the traumatic experiences. The study adopts social cognitive theory (SCT) as the framework. SCT comprises four goal realization processes: self-observation, self-evaluation, self-reaction, and self-efficacy. The four components are interrelated, and all influence motivation and goal attainment. Social cognition includes diverse processes linking the perception of social information with a behavioral response, including perception, attention, decision-making, memory, and emotion. The post-traumatic reactions include re-experiencing the traumatic event in flashbacks, recurrent nightmares, and intrusive memories, hypervigilant arousal, impaired concentration, depression, sleep disturbances, self-devaluation, avoidance of reminders of traumatic experiences, emotional detachment from others, and disengagement from aspects of life that provide meaning and self-fulfillment, which impair intrapersonal, interpersonal, and occupational functioning. The scope of the study covers the journalists’ responses to traumatic experiences specific to the pandemic. The study adopts a mixed research method with a thematic analysis of the qualitative data from interviews of journalists followed by a factor analysis of the quantitative data from the survey of the journalists." (Abstract)
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"Due to the increasing number of journalists being killed, kidnapped, and imprisoned across the globe, the safety of journalists seems to be deteriorating. The level of violence against journalists varies over time and from area to area, even within the same country. This article analyzes the violen
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ce faced by journalists in the conflict areas of Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan. The collected data were analyzed thematically using the research question themes, namely threats and challenges affecting journalists; gender-specific risk; the number of affected journalists; types of risk factors involved in conflict reporting; and the recommendations for promoting conflict reporting and peace journalism education. Semi-structured questionnaires were designed, which entailed questions that were best suited in terms of the objectives of the study. Responses from the selected respondents (80) were recorded and then data from 1992 to 2020 were statistically analyzed. In conflict areas (Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan), the highest number of deaths were recorded due to crossfire (45.8%). The findings illustrate that among three countries Iraq had the highest number of male (48.4%) and female (4.2%) journalists in terms of gender-specific risk. Further results show that military officials and political groups are the deepest risk factors causing threats to the lives of journalists. In conclusion, a journalist's geographic location, workplace environment, religion, and culture can influence their moral behavior, sense of judgment, general mindset, and psychological disposition, all of which influence journalists’ overall behavior and attitude. However, adopting safety measures by journalists does not always reduce the challenges of conflict areas." (Abstract)
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"This volume aims to deepen understanding of the dynamic intersections of war and media in the rapidly transforming media ecology and the reordered geopolitical context. The volume examines the ways in which the digital media and communication environment is involved in and shape the war in Ukraine.
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The chapters in the volume analyse expanding mesh of media-from mainstream broadcasting and press to social media platforms, and the latest digital technologies and addresses four key themes: media infrastructures and the interplay between platforms, technologies, institutions and civic actors; open-source intelligence contributing to (dis)information about the war; the everyday life of war performed and documented on social media; and different interplays between the local and the global in the news coverage of the war." (Publisher description)
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"Indigenous Language for Social Change Communication in the Global South brings together voices from the margins to engage in dialogue about common social change issues in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This book argues that resistance and social movements, expressed in music and songs and exchang
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ed via radio, remain fundamental to ensure that the linguistic and cultural diversity of the world progresses despite colonizing pressures. Contributors present cases that explore how indigenous communities use mediums such as the radio to help support their language, identity, and expand their own social change. Highlighting the centrality of music in the development of political discussions and language as a central part of collective identity, contributors analyze how these mediums function as both a vessel and a link for information and cultural cohesion of those engaging in social change." (Publisher description)
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"This edited collection brings together voices from the margins in underrepresented regions of the Global South, within the context of scholarship focusing on indigenous languages and development communication. Contributors bring together research from often-overlooked parts of the world to engage i
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n dialogue towards an understanding of the similarities and differences between issues of language and development in the Global South, presenting cases as a starting point for further research and discussions about indigenous language and development communication in Latin America, Africa, and Asia." (Publisher description)
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"In an examination of development issues appearing in the highest circulated mainstream English daily newspaper in Bangladesh— the Daily Star (DS)— this study discursively argues that this newspaper provided much less attention and even remained silent on development issues related to education
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and agriculture that are of close concern to underprivileged people. The newspaper's silence and inconsistent coverage sidelines social needs important to voiceless people. Their coverage pattern can be likened to snapshots that have no value in solving the issues. The newspaper's coverage favours the elite but dehumanizes and ignores the circumstances of underprivileged people. While problems of development need to be debated in the mass media; the DS would rather remain silent and engage in a social exclusion process that breaches the norms of development journalism. The disinterest has impacts, not only in sidelining development issues, but also in dehumanizing and excluding the circumstances of underprivileged people." (Abstract)
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"A survey was conducted on 446 newspaper journalists working in Karachi, who do journalism in Sindhi, Urdu, and English languages, to understand the reasons for their job quitting. The findings revealed that low salaries, job insecurity, and inconvenient administrative policies are why journalists l
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eave their profession permanently. Additionally, a statistical test showed that the most significant issue is journalists receiving uncompetitive salaries, especially in Sindhi language newspapers. Furthermore, journalists working in the English language press tend to be pessimistic about their future in journalism. In contrast, Urdu language journalists are concerned about the threat to their lives, which is also a leading cause of job quitting." (Abstract)
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"If a society does not come to terms with horrific atrocities of the past, tensions may fast escalate into new strife. People must know the truth. The causes of violence must be spelt out and the perpetrators must be named. Otherwise, a new sense of mutual trust cannot grow. Such trust is needed for
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competent and reliable institutions of governance. Where, by contrast, the wounds of the past keep festering, a shared understanding of the common good cannot emerge, so a peaceful future stays unlikely." (Page 2)
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"Journalists’ reputations are under assault around the world. Among journalists we surveyed, 63% reported at least monthly attacks on their individual reputations — and 19% reported facing them daily. Rates were even higher for attacks on the reputations of their news outlets or the broader news
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media sector. [...] We investigated how widespread reputational attacks contribute to the risks and challenges that journalists face. While there is extensive research on efforts to delegitimize news outlets and journalism — particularly efforts by political leaders — there has been little research that investigates how reputational attacks affect individual journalists’ safety and professional autonomy. With that in mind, we focused on five key questions: 1. How frequently do journalists face attacks on their reputations? 2. What are the forms and sources of these attacks? 3. What are the personal and professional consequences of reputational attacks, including their links to violence and legal repression? 4. How do reputational attacks and their consequences vary for journalists in countries with different press freedom contexts? 5. How do they vary for journalists with different gender, ethnic, racial, or religious identities? To explore these questions, in 2022 we conducted a global survey. It was completed by 645 journalists, who resided in 87 countries, spanning a wide range of press freedom levels. The survey was available in six languages (English, Arabic, French, Hindi, Portuguese, and Spanish). 42% of survey respondents identified as women and 23.1% identified as belonging to a marginalized racial, ethnic or religious group in their respective countries. We then conducted in-depth follow-up interviews with 54 journalists." (Executive summary, pages 7-8)
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"The Afghan media landscape stands at a crossroads, navigating a landscape rife with challenges and uncertainties in the wake of the Taliban's resurgence. The post-Taliban era, marked by a thriving media sector with 160 television channels, 311 radio stations, 90 print newspapers, and 26 news agenci
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es, has witnessed a drastic transformation. The current media landscape, with 70 television channels, 211 radio stations, 11 print newspapers, and 9 news agencies, reflects a significant decline in numbers and diversity. Under the de facto rule of the Taliban, the media sector has encountered substantial constraints. Censorship and self-censorship have become rampant, with journalists and media outlets navigating the perilous territory of permissible content. Threats, intimidation, and violence against media professionals have created an atmosphere of fear, leading to an exodus of skilled journalists. Investigative journalism, once a cornerstone of accountability, has been stifled, and access to unbiased information has dwindled, leaving citizens ill-informed.
The closure of media outlets has far-reaching implications, including restricted information flow, suppressed free speech, and diminished content diversity. The narrative has further fragmented between Kabul and the provinces, where media freedom varies significantly. Female journalists remain conspicuously absent in many regions, underscoring the entrenched gender disparity in the field. International media outlets, under surveillance and restraints, grapple with maintaining their operations and integrity in an increasingly controlled environment. Social media, once a platform for open dialogue, faces censorship and restrictions, hampering the exchange of ideas. As Afghanistan's media landscape evolves, the absence of comprehensive legal frameworks has exacerbated challenges. The suspension of the Mass Media Law and the Access to Information Law during the transitional phase has left media professionals in a legal gray area. The need for inclusive consultations with media stakeholders to shape these laws cannot be overstated. In this complex milieu, it is evident that safeguarding the media's role as a communication bridge between the government and the people is paramount. Collaborative efforts between the Islamic Emirate, the international community, and media support organizations are essential to prevent the collapse of Afghanistan's media landscape." (Conclusion, pages 16-17)
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"The study assesses the extent to which Taliban 2.0 utilised social media as a political mobilisation strategy and provides a response through discourse analysis and a literature review. The study results indicate that the tactical use of social media was more apparent in 2021 when they were promoti
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ng the notion of their impending return to power and advancing their territorial gains on social media. The Taliban 2.0's utilisation of social media underscores their strategies for comprehending public narratives to present themselves as the legitimate authorities of Afghanistan. The research reveals that the Taliban's utilisation of social media tools enabled them to regain control of Afghanistan by shaping public narratives in their favour. The study is unequivocal in its assertion that Taliban 2.0 must evolve into a political institution that is significantly more democratic and responsive. It is sufficient for it to relinquish the dynastic and undemocratic principles upon which it currently operates. Not only to enhance Afghanistan's governance in general but also to allow for a more favourable opportunity to capture the hearts and minds of the Afghan public. The Taliban 2.0 must transcend their identities to alter the ethnic narrative and eliminate inequalities. For the democratic system to progress in the appropriate direction, the nation requires a genuine and democratic opposition party or parties. The Afghan youth are the primary decision-makers in determining whether Afghanistan's democracy will continue to progress towards impactful growth or vice versa, as long as the Afghan public, particularly the youth and strong regional parties, fails to collaborate and present the electorate with viable and credible strategies against misgovernance and economic reforms that generate employment. This study suggests that young Afghans should be encouraged to develop critical thinking skills to use social media to advocate for their rights and convey dissent, as a means of communicating with the current government." (Abstract)
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"This article presents and discusses data from two research methods on journalism in Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover of power in August 2021. News reports from the time of the intra-Afghan peace talks in September 2020 were analyzed using the Peace Journalism model. These were found to be pr
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edominantly War Journalism, leaving audiences cognitively primed for violent conflict responses and likely to overlook or fail to value peace initiatives. Interviews with 16 Afghan journalists revealed this pattern to be at odds with their aspirations and role perceptions. They wanted to report more in the style of Peace Journalism: revealing backgrounds and contexts; highlighting successes and achievements; giving a voice to all rival parties, and covering peace initiatives from whatever level. The constraints they identified, as impeding their preferred reporting approaches, were categorized using Reese and Shoemaker’s Hierarchy of Influences model. Some were attributed to the commercial competitive market structure of Afghan media under the internationally supported government, after an initial infusion of development aid was reduced. In any such intervention in future, it is argued, news can play a positive role in building a constituency for peace—but only if aid interventions ensure that media are not left to operate on a purely commercial basis." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the Taliban government's media capture strategies since retaking the country on August 15, 2021, and how journalists and media outlets have responded to these strategies. In particular, it focuses on the Taliban government's approach to the media, given the recent political tran
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sformation in Afghanistan and the religious and political ideologies of the Taliban regime [...] The study revealed that the Taliban media capture strategies have multifaceted dimensions. From the analysis of media director and journalist interviews and relevant formal documents from the Taliban regime, seven media capture strategies emerge: (1) Regulatory interference, (2) Criminal prosecution of journalists, (3) Suppression of journalists, (4) Financial pressures on media outlets, (5) Media ownership, (6) Monopoly on information and (7) Expulsion of foreign journalists. Furthermore, this study finds that the Afghan media community, including the media outlets, journalists, and media unions, employed four tolerance strategies in response to the media capture strategies of the Taliban government, such as (1) Selfimposed censorship, (2) Low resistance, (3) Stopping controversial content, and (4) Advocacy campaigns." (Abstract)
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"What might feminist approaches to the protection of journalists look like, and what benefits might they bring? From national organisations to grassroots networks, our findings document women’s monumental efforts to make structural changes, tackle entrenched patterns of gender-based discrimination
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and violence, and enhance the safety of women journalists. The initiatives showcased in these case studies are a testament to the creativity and resilience of those working on the feminist frontlines. The case studies: In 2021, ARTICLE 19 set out to make these sometimes invisible practices more visible, building on our existing programmes on the safety of women journalists worldwide. We undertook original research globally and specifically in six countries – three in Asia (Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka) and three in Latin America (Brazil, Chile, and Paraguay)." (Abstract)
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"The study finds that provisions for gender equality and sensitivity in media regulations and national policies have two distinct features. The earlier provisions were concerned more about decency, obscenity and other such issues mainly from a moralistic perspective. The main concerns seemed to have
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been protecting the morality of society from effects of such contents, rather than protecting the rights of women. Then over the last couple of decades, gender-related provisions in media regulation and policies have been markedly influenced by development concerns. Media advocacy for women development along with other development goals started occupying a central space in regulatory and policy frameworks. This era might have introduced a rights perspective but gender-equality in the media organisations has not been the dominant primary approach. Provisions on „gender-sensitivity" were more frequent. The laws and regulations lack a requirement for equal coverage of women or other gender minorities in media content as well. The policies may have some requirements of this from the perspective of development in various sectors." (Executive summary, pages 10-11)
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"Combining an innovative mix of traditional chapters, autoethnography, case studies, and dialogue within an intercultural framework, the handbook focuses on the future of media education and provides a deeper understanding of the challenges and affordances of media education as we move forward. Topi
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cs range from fighting disinformation, how vulnerable communities coped with disadvantages using media, transforming educational TV or YouTube to reach larger audiences, supporting students’ wellbeing through various online strategies, examining early childhood, parents, and media mentoring using digital tools, reflecting on educators’ intersectionality on video platforms, youth-produced media to fight injustice, teaching remotely and providing low-tech solutions to address the digital divide, search for solutions collaboratively using social media, and many more." (Publisher description)
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"This study examines the online harassment faced by political journalists in Pakistan on Twitter, specifically focusing on the actions of users affiliated with various political parties. By selecting the 12 most active journalists on Twitter, we combined both content and textual analyses to examine
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comments posted on their tweets. Drawing upon the theoretical framework of the practice-based theoretical approach, the findings reveal that these journalists predominantly encountered negative comments encompassing personal abuses, culturally sensitive expressions, and attacks on their professional lives. Commenters associated with the populist political party, Pakistan Tehreek Insaaf, were more likely to engage in uncivil comments compared to those affiliated with traditional political parties. Interestingly, both male and female journalists received a comparable number of comments on their tweets; however, the nature of the comments differed significantly. Male journalists were primarily criticized for their perceived lack of professionalism, whereas female journalists were subjected to gender-targeted offensive comments. The study highlighted how socio-cultural conditions were exploited by political parties and netizens to suppress critical journalists. Overall, this research sheds light on the multifaceted dynamics of harassment faced by journalists in the digital age, emphasizing the need for effective measures to safeguard freedom of expression and counteract online abuse within the Pakistani media landscape." (Abstract)
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"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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