"Las conclusiones generales y aplicables a toda la muestra, independientemente de su edad, sexo y comunidad autónoma, son: 1. TikTok se posiciona como la red social en donde los menores siguen a más influencers, seguida de YouTube e Instagram. 2. El tipo de influencer más seguido son los gamers,
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y aquellos que hacen contenido de entretenimiento y humor. 3. El 70 % es consciente de que la publicidad de los influencers tienen como finalidad que ellos compren el producto anunciado. 4. El 42,4 % de los menores declara recibir publicidad sobre alimentación y aspecto físico a través del móvil. 5. El 44,5 % de los entrevistados afirma que recibe publicidad de alimentos poco saludables. 6. La publicidad sobre cuidado del cuerpo que los menores reciben con mayor frecuencia es: moda (48,7 %), cosmética y belleza (33,1 %), fitness y gimnasio (23,2 %) y procedimientos estéticos (13,5 %). 7. Cuando los adolescentes ven publicaciones de influencers colaborando con productos de alimentación y aspecto físico: el 27,8 % siente frecuente o muy frecuentemente que un cuerpo bello es un cuerpo delgado y tonificado; el 26,2 % siente frecuente o muy frecuentemente que el aspecto físico determina mucho cómo te valoras a ti mismo; el 13,9 % de los menores siente frecuente o muy frecuentemente que no está a la altura y que su presencia física no cumple con el estándar; el 13,8 % establece metas para conseguir un cuerpo perfecto frecuente o muy frecuentemente. 8. El aspecto físico figura como un indicador importante para la socialización en los menores: alrededor del 50 % de los menores señala que tener un buen físico ayuda a ser más aceptado/a." (Conclusiones)
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"Die Mediennutzung Jugendlicher kehrt teilweise zu dem Vor- Corona-Niveau zurück, das belegen die Ergebnisse der neuesten JIM-Studie „Jugend, Information, Medien“. Die Nutzung von Videoangeboten und digitalen Spielen bleibt dagegen auf dem hohen Niveau der Corona-Zeit. Für Jugendliche sind hie
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rbei vor allem Netflix und YouTube relevant. 78 Prozent nutzen aber auch Fernsehangebote regelmäßig. Um Musik zu hören werden am häufigsten Spotify und die Angebote von Radiosendern genutzt, die Radionutzung bleibt stabil." (Kurz und knapp, Seite 1)
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"Propaganda has been an age-old part of warmongering. It is thus no surprise that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was preceded by, and continues to be fuelled by, propaganda transmitted by state-controlled Russian media. What is more unusual about the Russian (dis)information campaigns is the sheer
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volume of distorted narratives or complete fictional accounts about the conflict. This article explores the content and technologies of Russian information manipulation of domestic audiences in the context of the invasion of Ukraine. We also examine the bases for the sustained robust public support for the war within Russia during the first 12 months of the conflict, despite being based on mostly fabricated (dis)information. Relying on political psychology and communication theory we explain how emotions and associative memories have played an important role in the Russian public's sustained approval to the war. Our findings point to that in the absence of contrasted and independently-verified information, the volume, frequency, emotional intensity of slick, plug-and-play media packages on Ukraine have acted to displace and distort the average Russian's associative social monitoring processes." (Abstract)
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"This report highlights adaptations and innovations by Ukrainians in their struggle against Moscow’s disinformation machine. As part of the project, the International Forum on Democratic Studies conducted more than fifty expert interviews and hosted a series of convenings with experts from Ukraine
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and across Europe which inform the analysis. Companion essays—one from Ukraine, the other from Central Europe—provide more context and details on the ways in which locally based organizations are learning to meet the challenge. The research identified three advantages—deep preparation, open networks of cooperation, and active utilization of new technology—that have allowed civil society organizations and governments in Ukraine and Central and Eastern Europe to build trust and tell Ukraine’s story, unite Ukrainians and their allies, and ensure resilience in the face of authoritarian disinformation campaigns." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"On average in the 16 countries surveyed, 56% of internet users frequently use social media to stay informed about current events, far ahead of television (44%). However, it is worth noting that differences exist among population groups: television is the primary source in the most developed countri
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es (55% compared to 37% for social media), while it lags significantly in countries with high (42% vs 63%) or medium/low levels of Human Development Index (HDI) (37% vs 68%) [...] The significance of social media as a source of information, especially during election campaigns, is even more crucial given that citizens believe disinformation is highly prevalent there. Across all 16 countries, 68% of internet users told us that social media is the place where disinformation is most widespread, far ahead of groups on online messaging apps (38%) and media websites/apps (20%). This sentiment is overwhelmingly prevalent in all countries, age groups, social backgrounds, and political preferences. This is even more important and citizens feel that the issue of disinformation is a real threat: 85% express concern about the impact and influence of disinformation on their fellow citizens." (Analysis of key results)
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"This paper examines the influence of international political actors in perpetuating disinformation in fragile states, using Iraq as a case study. The advent of modern technology and social media has transformed the global information landscape, providing new avenues for the dissemination of disinfo
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rmation. This study delves into the history of disinformation in Iraq, particularly during and after the fall of the Baathist regime, and investigates how national and international actors utilise disinformation as a political tool. Through three case studies, the overlapping interests of regional, international, and local actors are explored, focusing on their use of social and legacy media platforms to execute influence operations targeting the Iraqi public. The first case study examines the Iranian-aligned Iraqi Radio and Television Union and their deployment of disinformation narratives during the 2021 national election. The second case study investigates unofficial Iranian-aligned Telegram media outlets and their promotion of the Russian narrative in the Russia-Ukraine War. The final case study analyses Pro-China and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Facebook influencers in Iraq and their engagement in coordinated inauthentic behavior. By connecting the interactions of these actors, this paper reveals a complex web of disinformation in the Iraqi digital information ecosystem, emphasising the role played by national and international actors in perpetuating it. The findings contribute to a better understanding of disinformation dynamics, enabling more effective strategies to combat disinformation and foster informed and democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"This volume aims to deepen understanding of the dynamic intersections of war and media in the rapidly transforming media ecology and the reordered geopolitical context. The volume examines the ways in which the digital media and communication environment is involved in and shape the war in Ukraine.
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The chapters in the volume analyse expanding mesh of media-from mainstream broadcasting and press to social media platforms, and the latest digital technologies and addresses four key themes: media infrastructures and the interplay between platforms, technologies, institutions and civic actors; open-source intelligence contributing to (dis)information about the war; the everyday life of war performed and documented on social media; and different interplays between the local and the global in the news coverage of the war." (Publisher description)
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"This is neither the first nor the last study of disinformation. Yet it differs significantly from others in many regards. Firstly, it is the first and only study summarizing the state of disinformation in Southeast Europe. While regional studies abound, none so far has looked at all countries of th
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e region between the Danube and the Mediterranean in a single comprehensive analysis. Secondly, this volume not only generates a concise overview of disinformation in the SEE region, but does so by explaining specific case studies, addressing current questions, showing the sources, potential, consequences, forms, narratives and a variety of countermeasures against disinformation in the region at large. Hence, the study not only explains and demonstrates the negative effects of disinformation, but also strives to point to approaches on how different countries deal with disinformation and thus how societies can become more resilient against the manipulative use of information [...] To unify all case studies, the editors and authors of this volume agreed upon a common structure for the articles. This structure builds upon six analytical subcategories: (1) Terminology and definitions; (2) Audience and perspective; (3) Narratives, case studies and examples; (4) Media, sources, multipliers of disinformation; (5) Political context; (6) Countermeasures and resilience." (About this book, page 4)
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"Most scholars working on Russia’s use of strategic narratives recognize the importance of the Russian state. Nevertheless, the authors argue that much of the attention on strategic narratives has given insufficient appreciation for how Russia has developed its military and media policies in a coo
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rdinated manner: learning from its mistakes and failures as it went along, and becoming more efficient each time. In making their case, they examine three theatres of Russian military activity and their accompanying media coverage: the wars in Chechnya in 1994–1995 and 1999– 2000; war with Georgia in 2008 over the separatist territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia; and Ukraine, especially Crimea, since 2014. The Russian leadership addressed the shortcomings on each occasion, with the news media being increasingly weaponized as time went on. The authors argue that scholars should see Russia’s evolving uses of those military and media power resources as part of a single strategic process. How the Russian state goes about its media policy can accentuate the military intervention for better or for worse as far as its image is concerned." (Abstract)
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"Liberal democracies must continue to consistently stand up for internet freedom, democracy and human rights. Germany and the European Union are regarded as role models. It is imperative therefore that they refrain from presenting legislative initiatives themselves that restrict the human right to p
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rivacy. In addition to gas, the dependency on imported chips has become apparent following the Russian war against Ukraine and the COVID pandemic. A comprehensive and regular stress test for digital and technological dependencies can minimise risks and strengthen Germany’s and Europe’s sovereignty. Undersea cables that transmit data from continent to continent are currently insufficiently protected; indeed, they have come increasingly under the sway of Chinese and American big tech companies. Satellite internet especially can currently only be provided by private companies. To prevent the danger of sabotage and dependency, strategic measures must be taken and capacity built up. Political engagement in space is no game: it is a geopolitical imperative. Only in this way can the required infrastructure be provided in case of armed conflict or environmental catastrophes such as the Ahrtal floods of 2021. With a strategy for international digital policy, Germany is called upon to reconfirm the fact that it has understood the importance of this topic and wishes to work as an important actor in the future. To this end, the Federal Government should develop an ambitious, cross-ministerial strategy with the involvement of civil society. In parallel, existing global partnerships should be strengthened and new ones set up. This relates both to allies such as the USA, with the Trade and Technology Council, and partners like India and Brazil. The “partnership of equals” must be more than an empty phrase to Africa and elsewhere in the Global South. For agreement in international committees such as the ITU, a strong democratic foundation is required." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"1. Aus dem nationalen Verfassungsrecht ist ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ableitbar.
2. Aus dem europäischen Verfassungsrecht ist ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ableitbar.
3. Ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ergibt sich zwar nicht als solches aus den nationalen und europäischen verfassungsrechtlich
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en Gewährleistungen. Es kann aber aus der Zusammenschau verschiedener Grundrechte abgeleitet werden. Relevant sind die Grundrechtspositionen, die die digitale Datenverarbeitung und -übermittlung zum Gegenstand haben [...]
4. Bei einer Ableitung eines Rechts auf Verschlüsselung aus verschiedenen verfassungsrechtlichen Gewährleistungen auf nationaler und europäischer Ebene ergibt sich im chronologischen Kommunikationsablauf ein nahezu lückenloser Grundrechtsschutz [...]
5. Ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung besteht aus einer aktiven sowie aus einer passiven Dimension. Damit ist es nicht nur Abwehrrecht gegenüber staatlichem Handeln umfasst, sondern kann für den Staat auch (weit gefasste) Handlungspflichten auslösen, um der Umsetzung von Datenverschlüsselung als Methode zur Ausübung effektiven Grundrechtsschutzes gerecht zu werden." (Executive summary)
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"Die Medienberichterstattung über Geflüchtete wird von einem großen Teil der deutschen Bevölkerung als einseitig wahrgenommen. Inhaltsanalysen zeigen allerdings sehr unterschiedliche Befunde: Während einige Studien eine einseitig positive Berichterstattung konstatieren, kommen andere zu dem Erg
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ebnis, die Berichterstattung sei einseitig negativ. Dabei handelt es sich jedoch meist um Querschnittstudien im Zusammenhang mit besonders spektakulären Ereignissen von unterschiedlicher Valenz. Zudem werden oft nur wenige Medien und wenige Indikatoren für Einseitigkeit betrachtet. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht deshalb erstmals die Berichterstattung von sechs deutschen Leitmedien über Geflüchtete in einem Zeitraum von fast sechs Jahren (Mai 2015 bis Dezember 2020) anhand verschiedener Indikatoren für Einseitigkeit. Eine manuelle Inhaltsanalyse von 8185 Medienbeiträgen zeigt, dass insgesamt zwei konfligierende Narrative die Berichterstattung dominierten: Geflüchtete wurden als Menschen in Not charakterisiert, die aus humanitären Gründen aufgenommen werden müssen, und gleichzeitig als Sicherheitsrisiko für die deutsche Bevölkerung beschrieben. Im Zeitverlauf zeigten sich ereignisabhängig erhebliche Schwankungen in Menge und Tendenz der Berichterstattung. Zugleich war aber auch ein Trend zu weniger und negativerer Berichterstattung erkennbar. Ursachen und vermutliche Folgen dieser Berichterstattungsmuster werden im Beitrag diskutiert." (Abstract)
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"In a new communication context, factors such as the rise of hate speech, disinformation, or a precarious financial and employment situation in the media have made discursive menaces gain increasing significance. Threats of this kind challenge the legitimacy of institutional news media and professio
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nal journalists. This article contributes to the existing literature on the legitimization of journalism and boundary work through a study that seeks to understand the perceptions of Southern European journalists of the threats that they encounter in their work and the factors that help explain them. To this end, a survey of 398 journalists in Spain, Italy, and Greece was conducted to learn what personal or professional factors influenced their views and experiences of discursive and non-discursive menaces. Results show that discursive threats, such as hateful or demeaning speech and public discrediting of one’s work, are the most frequent to the safety of journalists, while expressions of physical violence are less common. Younger and more educated journalists tended to perceive themselves as having been victims of discursive menaces more often, although not many significant differences were observed between different groups of journalists. Even though it could show a worrying trend, this finding can also indicate a growing awareness about menaces of this kind." (Abstract)
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"In this article, we examine how journalists address and tackle online harassment by connective practices that involve joint action with peers and editors that we find are particularly effective in addressing the emotional effects of harassment. Theoretically, we bridge community of practice researc
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h with theories of emotional labour to develop a novel perspective to examine online harassment. Drawing on 22 interviews with Finnish journalists, we find three categories of connective practices that are particularly effective in tackling harassment: (1) supportive connection between the journalist and the editor; (2) shared collegial practices among peers in the newsrooms and (3) emotional engagement among peers outside the newsroom. All three categories illustrate how journalists as a community of practice develop new practices through dynamic processes innovation, improvisation, trial and error, reciprocal learning and mutual engagement. Importantly, emotional labour forms an important dimension of these practices as the journalists jointly address and tackle the emotional effects of harassment. We posit that the effectiveness of these connective practices largely stems from their ability to provide emotional support. While addressing feelings of fear, anger and shame, these shared practices also help consolidate the newly acquired knowledge and the professional identity under attack. Finally, we offer recommendations for newsrooms and journalists on how to collectively counter harassment and develop policies to address it." (Abstract)
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