"This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering post-Conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and ec
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onomically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population." (Abstract)
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"Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa examines the role that popular media could play to encourage political debate, provide information for development, or critique the very definitions of 'democracy' and 'development'. Drawing on diverse case studies from various regions of the Afric
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an continent, essays employ a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to ask critical questions about the potential of popular media to contribute to democratic culture, provide sites of resistance, or, conversely, act as agents for the spread of Americanized entertainment culture to the detriment of local traditions. A wide variety of media formats and platforms are discussed, ranging from radio and television to the Internet, mobile phones, street posters, film and music." (Publisher description)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government "privately" owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"Desde la perspectiva de los medios de comunicación, se presentan en esta obra investigaciones académicas y lecciones aprendidas en cuatro apartados: el impacto de los medios de comunicación en la construcción de violencia cultural, medios alternativos para la construcción de paz, alfabetizaci
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n mediática y, por último, la propuesta de las Espirales de Paz para reaprender la anhelada y esperanzadora, pero al tiempo compleja, Alianza de Civilizaciones. El libro es parte del trabajo realizado por el departamento de investigación en comunicación para la paz de la Cátedra UNESCO de Filosofía para la Paz de la Universitat Jaume I de Castelló y el Instituto Interuniversitario de Desarrollo Social y Paz (IUDESP), en colaboración con United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC)." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This report gives an overview of the current state of mobile phone use and services in East Africa. It outlines major trends and main obstacles for increased use as well as key opportunities and potential for upscaling mobile applications. The report draws on secondary data and statistics, as well
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as field work carried out in Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda during 2008 and 2009. The publication identifies a broad range of mobile applications relevant for reaching the poor and contributing to social and economic development – from simple agricultural, market or health information services to advanced financial transaction services or mobile use for election monitoring and governance issues. A commented linklist of existing initiatives in the four countries adds to the usefulness of this well documented study." (CAMECO Update 1-2011)
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"Between September and November 2009, the BBC World Service Trust’s Research and Learning Group, on behalf of the British Council, conducted research in DR congo to gauge public understanding of climate change. the research consisted of 12 focus group discussions in six locations with congolese ci
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tizens, as well as 17 in-depth interviews with opinion leaders from government, religious institutions, the private sector, the media and civil society. The overall objective was to find out what people think about climate change and to determine how to tailor communication and media strategies to support dr congo’s response to climate change.
Key findings
There is a universal perception among Congolese people that their climate is changing. they tell of changes in the rainy seasons and increases in temperature and use the word ‘climate’ to describe these.
Many people talk about the “disruption” of the dry and rainy seasons and say that it is causing crop failure and affecting the country’s forests. people are particularly concerned about these changes because of the population’s reliance on natural resources.
Many are aware of the terms “climate change” and “global warming” and cite the media and schools as their main sources of information. However, few relate these terms to increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. Most simply use the terms to refer to the changes in the rainy seasons and increases in temperature they are experiencing.
People have a number of misconceptions. Some people inaccurately link climate change to ozone depletion, and outside the capital, most think that “global warming” refers to an increase in the temperature of the air or earth over a short period of time.
There is a strong notion of environmental stewardship linked to people’s faith. people have seen how human activity has harmed their natural environment, and they perceive that human activity could also have an effect on the weather. many think that the natural environment, including the weather, is god’s creation, and believe that they have a responsibility to protect it.
Many people believe the weather changes that they are witnessing have local causes. for example, they say that deforestation in their local area is leading to a reduction in local rainfall, and some believe that local smoke and pollution from wood fires and industry lead to increases in temperature.
Some also inaccurately relate increases in temperature to ozone depletion, which they think is caused by smoke, air pollution and other factors such as rockets and weapons. Some see changes in temperature and weather as the will of god – a view particularly prevalent among female rural populations." (Executive summary)
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This report details the results of the first year of a two-year impact assessment being conducted on the Interactive Radio for Justice project at its sites of operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR). Interactive Radio for Justice is a project designed t
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o encourage dialogue between people in regions where the International Criminal Court (ICC) is investigating serious crimes (genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes) and the national and international authorities responsible for rendering justice to them. The project produces a number of serial radio programmes dealing with child soldiers, peace and reconciliation, and justice which broadcast over community radio in several languages.
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"This collection of essays by those engaged in using mobile phone technologies for social change provides an analysis of the socio-economic, political and media contexts faced by activists in Africa today. The essays address a broad range of issues including inequalities in access to technology base
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d on gender, rural and urban usage, as well as offering practical examples of how activists are using mobile technology to organise and document their experiences. They provide an overview of the lessons learned in making effective use of mobile phone technologies without any of the romanticism so often associated with the use of new technologies for social change. The examples are shared in a way that makes them easy to replicate. The intention is that the experiences described within the book will lead to greater reflection about the real potential and limitations of mobile technologies." (Radio for Peacebuilding Africa Update July 6, 2010)
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"This report documents the results of a two-month field research evaluation in Niger and Chad on the media component of the Peace Through Development (PDEV) program funded by USAID under the Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Equal Access, a non-governmental organization (NGO) speci
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alizing in development communications, implements the media component of the PDEV project and works in collaboration with the Academy for Educational Development (AED) to 1) improve local governance in target communities; 2) empower at-risk youth to become active participants in their communities and the economy; and 3) render superfluous ideologies that promote violence. The major activity of the PDEV media component is the production of four radio programs (two in Niger and two in Chad), which are broadcast by a network of PDEV radio partners in each country. The radio programs are supplemented by community-level activities including the organization of listening clubs, the training of community reporters and ongoing training and material support offered to radio station partners in both Chad and Niger." (Executive summary)
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"Les conflits qui ont ravagé la région des Grands Lacs durant la décennie 1990 ont été tellement interconnectés que certains analystes n’ont pas hésité à parler d’une « première guerre mondiale africaine ». Pourtant, alors que la guerre a été régionale, elle a longtemps maintenu l
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es journalistes enclavés dans leur perspective nationale et a empêché les professionnels de l’information de s’ouvrir aux points de vue les uns des autres. Aujourd’hui, alors que la paix s’installe progressivement et que les tensions entre les différents pays paraissent s’apaiser, les médias de la région sont des acteurs cruciaux du processus de réconciliation. En tant qu’informateurs des citoyens et formateurs de la mémoire collective, ils peuvent contribuer à l’élimination de la méfiance et de la haine, à la lutte contre la rumeur et la désinformation, ce qui est tout à fait capital pour que les populations d’Afrique centrale puissent débattre ensemble de leur destin commun. La présente étude tente de faire le point sur la manière donc les médias issus des trois pays (Burundi, RDC et Rwanda) couvrent les enjeux de la région. Les médias accordent-ils beaucoup d’attention à ce qui se passe dans les deux pays voisins ? Abordent-ils des thématiques d’intérêt régional ? Donnent-ils la parole à leurs voisins congolais, burundais et rwandais lorsqu’il s’agit de commenter les événements qui se déroulent dans les Grands Lacs ? Contribuent-ils à générer la méfiance et les malentendus entre les communautés de la région, ou maintiennent-ils les populations dans l’ignorance les unes des autres ? Pour apporter des éléments de réponse à ces questions, cette étude se fonde sur une opération de suivi et d’analyse des contenus d’information diffusés, durant un mois, par une trentaine de médias burundais, congolais et rwandais." (Dos de couverture)
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