"Artificial intelligence (AI) is now receiving unprecedented global attention as it finds widespread practical application in multiple spheres of activity. But what are the human rights, social justice and development implications of AI when used in areas such as health, education and social service
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s, or in building “smart cities”? How does algorithmic decision making impact on marginalised people and the poor? This edition of Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) provides a perspective from the global South on the application of AI to our everyday lives. It includes 40 country reports from countries as diverse as Benin, Argentina, India, Russia and Ukraine, as well as three regional reports. These are framed by eight thematic reports dealing with topics such as data governance, food sovereignty, AI in the workplace, and so-called “killer robots”. While pointing to the positive use of AI to enable rights in ways that were not easily possible before, this edition of GISWatch highlights the real threats that we need to pay attention to if we are going to build an AI-embedded future that enables human dignity." (Back cover)
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"Interviews with health communicators and residents in September 2019 found that language barriers impede understanding of critical information on Ebola. Information in French and Swahili does not reach everyone. People misunderstand seemingly simple medical words in French. Swahili is best understo
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od in the version local to Beni, while women and older people in the Beni area need information in localized Nande. Military personnel and their families need information in Lingala. To effectively communicate about Ebola, information needs to be relayed in all four languages. The use of technical terminology presents its own language barrier. Key terms related to Ebola are in French and are not consistently translated. Health communicators themselves misunderstand them. Study participants explained that some words related to the outbreak are socially and culturally unacceptable. People consider those words harsh and offensive, especially words they associate with death. As a result, many people are reluctant to use those words. Health communicators replace them with their own euphemistic explanations. These alternatives can be inconsistent and vague, potentially leading to misunderstandings. Health communicators need support to translate Ebola-related terms in a socially acceptable and consistent way. The content of the information provided is also problematic. Current messages on Ebola offer only basic information and instructions. They do not provide information that will help people to better understand why and how the prevention and treatment of Ebola works. People’s questions have evolved with the dynamics of the outbreak and changes in the response strategy. Study participants asked for complex and transparent information in a language and style that is familiar to them. They want in-depth explanations that relate to the latest developments. Yet health communicators lack communication tools and training adapted to these developments, and struggle to provide clear and consistent answers. The resulting misunderstandings and contradictions confuse people, and the lack of detailed explanations creates further doubt and frustration." (Summary)
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"The premise of this research is that digital activism, like many other forms of online engagement work in an ecosystem. And just like the success of a species is largely dependent on environmental factors, and its reaction to those circumstances, so does the success of a digital activist platform.
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It is a start to unify the different elements of digital activism that have been studied by various researchers and codify these into a model. The study then goes further to offer an explorative analysis on how this ecosystem works using three blogging platforms operating in Sub-Saharan Africa as examples." (Abstract)
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"This brief summarises local media and messages circulating via social media outlets including WhatsApp and local radio and press outlets in the Beni and Butembo areas of North Kivu, DRC between February and April 2019. It also captures the growing number of warning messages and written threats tran
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smitted as part of the escalation of violence against Ebola response teams during this period." (Page 1)
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"This chapter demonstrates the critical importance of stringers and local journalists to international news production, and how much harder we need to work to understand the motivations and perspectives of these excluded groups of journalistic actors. News bureaus should restructure to cater to the
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needs of these vital subaltern journalists to create higher quality journalism, while according these journalists proper credit and compensation. Post-Colonial theory finds several applications in current news structures. It is my belief that this analogy, which I introduce in some detail, can be further developed to better understand how modern news production systems function and can diminish their appropriation from the margins and subalterns. Chronicles about stringers and local journalists serve to humanize and illuminate these journalists, in particular for readers generally unaware of the invisible actors behind their daily international news. With greater empathy and understanding, the gap between news producers and consumers narrows, and consumers, in seeing the inner workings of news production, come to understand just how much to trust what they read on the page or hear on television." (Conclusion)
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"Of all 10 African countries surveyed, only in South Africa is more than half the population online. The Internet penetration rate in Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Nigeria and Senegal is above the 20% threshold – but even this requires further investigation in a developing country context, where the unaf
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fordability of data means that usage is generally very low and most people are using services passively, not in the high-speed, always-on environment where studies of causality in relation to penetration and economic growth have been done. In some countries, the low Internet uptake is a result of no coverage – there is insufficient broadband extension beyond the major urban centres in the case of Mozambique, Nigeria and Uganda. Yet even in countries where there is extensive coverage, such as in Lesotho, Rwanda and South Africa, the cost of devices is a major barrier to uptake. Such demand-side constraints relate not only to affordability of devices and services, but also to classical issues of human development. In several countries, including Nigeria and Tanzania, the lack of awareness or skills on how to use the Internet accounts for the large numbers of people who remain offline." (Executive summary)
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"Les entretiens menés en septembre 2019 avec des communicateurs en santé et des résidents ont révélé que les barrières linguistiques empêchent la compréhension d’informations cruciales sur l’Ebola. Les informations diffusées en français et en swahili ne sont pas comprises par tout le
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monde. Les gens ont du mal à interpréter le sens de termes médicaux en français qui paraissent pourtant simples. Le swahili est mieux compris dans la variante locale de Beni, tandis que les femmes et les personnes âgées de la région ont besoin d’informations dans la variante locale du nande. Pour les militaires et leurs familles, c’est en lingala qu’il faut donner les informations. Pour communiquer de façon efficace au sujet d’Ebola, il faut relayer l’information dans ces quatre langues. L’utilisation de la terminologie technique présente sa propre barrière linguistique. Certains termes médicaux clés spécifiques à l’Ebola sont en français et ne sont pas toujours traduits de la même manière. Les personnes chargées de la communication en santé ellesmêmes se trompent sur leur sens. Les participants de cette étude ont expliqué que certains des mots liés à l’épidémie sont inacceptables sur le plan social et culturel. Ces mots sont perçus comme étant violents et offensants, surtout ceux associés à la mort. Par conséquent, beaucoup de gens rechignent à les employer. Les communicateurs en santé les remplacent par leurs propres explications enveloppées d’euphémismes. Ces alternatives peuvent parfois être incohérentes et vagues et causer des malentendus. Les personnes chargées de la communication en santé ont besoin de soutien pour traduire les termes liés à l’Ebola d’une manière harmonisée et acceptable pour la population locale. La teneur des informations communiquées pose, elle aussi, un problème. Les messages actuels sur l’Ebola ne communiquent que des informations et des consignes de base. Ils ne fournissent pas les éléments nécessaires qui pourraient aider les gens à comprendre pourquoi et comment la prévention et le traitement d’Ebola fonctionnent. Aussi, avec l’évolution de l'épidémie et de la stratégie d'intervention, les questions des gens ont changé. Les participants de cette étude ont demandé que des informations complexes et transparentes leur soient communiquées dans une langue et un style qui leur sont familiers. Ils veulent des explications approfondies sur les derniers développements. Or il manque aux communicateurs en santé les outils de communication et la formation adaptés à ces développements, d’où la difficulté qu’ils ont à fournir des réponses à la fois claires et cohérentes. Les malentendus et les contradictions qui en résultent sont source de confusion pour les populations, et le manque d’explications détaillées ne fait qu’exacerber les doutes et les frustrations." (Résumé, page 3-4)
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"This chapter presents the findings from three radio dramas in Africa (Nigeria, Burundi, and Burkina Faso) developed using Population Media Center’s unique entertainment-education methodology. Each case study is presented in detail, including background on the country or region where the program w
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as implemented, a description of the program design, and highlights of the results obtained by the program in question." (Abstract)
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"The evidence amounts to a persuasive refutation of the commonly held beliefs that radio had widespread, direct effects and that hate radio was the primary driver of the genocide and participation in it. That said, the evidence suggests radio had some marginal and conditional effects. RTLM broadcast
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s instigated certain attacks, particularly in and around the capital. The survey research shows statistically significant correlations between radio incitement and higher levels of violence among perpetrators. From that, it might be deduced that RTLM catalyzed some key agents of violence in some locations. Qualitative analysis additionally shows that a minority of the survey genocide perpetrators believed radio coordinated elites and signaled that authorities wanted the population to fight "the Tutsi enemy." In sum, then, the positive evidence of radio media effects is that radio instigated a limited number of acts of violence, catalyzed some key actors, coordinated elites, and bolstered local messages of violence. Based on these findings, it is plausible to hypothesize that radio had conditional and marginal effects. Radio did not cause the genocide or have direct, massive effects. Rather, radio emboldened hard-liners and reinforced face-to-face mobilization, which helped those who advocated violence assert dominance and carry out the genocide." (Page 123)
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"News media played a prominent role in perpetuating the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Since then, Rwanda has undergone impressive social and economic growth, but the media landscape during this redevelopment remains understudied. Qualitative interviews with Rwandan journalists reveal that reporters censor
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themselves to promote peace and reunification. Short-term, prioritizing social good over media rights might help unify the country, but ultimately it could limit development and reinforce existing authoritarian power structures. Findings suggest that McQuail’s development media theory and Hachten’s developmental concept maintain relevance but point to the need for a new or revised media development paradigm." (Abstract)
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"A brief recap of the examples discussed here suggests, among other things, the following considerations: When information circulation is limited due to censorship or security concerns, it may be necessary to restrict information to what is essential for survival. In the case of BBTT in South Sudan,
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humanitarian information is produced and transmitted by residents of the UN protected sites, in local languages and for local residents only; Likewise, in post-genocide Rwanda, where broadcasting news about atrocities would have been very challenging, the newsreel project provided information and space for discussion for different groups, while creating a conversation that extended beyond each screening and location; BBTT and the newsreels project also demonstrate that closed environments may be the best option to provide information safely and allow for open discussions among individuals affected by violence. By employing the use of listening and discussion groups, the program furthers its goal of engaging residents and extending their participation in the local form of public sphere. These controlled environments are particularly important to encourage the participation of victims, women and other marginalized groups in dialogue; Training and engaging citizens to gather, curate and disseminate content, as BBTT does with community correspondents, is an effective way to provide information that matters to people's lives and to foster a culture of critical engagement. These processes potentially help communities rebuild media structures once the political situation stabilizes; Media outlets that create avenues for interaction and feedback tend to be most successful in providing content that is relevant and engaging to audiences, as in the case of Sawa Shabab in South Sudan; Drama, games, storytelling and other forms of engagement with narratives provide opportunities for individuals to work together, regain social trust, learn about alternate forms of participation and reconstruct symbolic narratives, as demonstrated by the examples in Colombia; Recognition of the suffering of the victims as well as of their agency in resisting violence is also crucial in a post-atrocities context. This may come in the form of interactive media-making by citizens or in initiatives supported by media or research organizations such as the National Center for Historical Memory." (Pages 226-227)
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"Cette étude porte, à partir du cas camerounais, sur un nouveau phénomène social de migration statutaire, apparu en Afrique, dans le cadre de la mondialisation que nous appelons la cybermigration maritale. Cette modalité contemporaine de mobilité met en relation des personnes exclues ou auto e
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xclues du marché matrimonial « normal » de leur pays. Au Cameroun, elle concerne principalement des jeunes femmes en quête de statut social. Ces dernières s’auto excluent du marché matrimonial national, en dévalorisant les époux camerounais potentiels, et jettent leur dévolu sur le « Blanc ». Ce dernier est perçu comme un Occidental, figure du mari idéal, qui confère un meilleur statut et permet à la jeune femme de venir en aide aux proches restés au pays. En France, par contre, la cybermigration implique des personnes du troisième âge, exclues du marché matrimonial normal, qui cherchent en Afrique une épouse. Toutefois, la relation au « Blanc » est ambiguë car la quête cache parfois d’autres ambitions et peut aboutir à des mauvaises surprises. Etant donnée la complexité du phénomène, ce travail se concentre principalement sur la situation des jeunes camerounaises. L’expression, «chercher son blanc » pour ces jeunes femmes camerounaises, justifie cette cybermigration maritale. Un enjeu essentiel de cette étude est de sortir des sentiers battus qui ne perçoivent les migrations féminines que sous le prisme de la pauvreté et de la misère. L’utilisation des TIC par les Camerounaises s’inscrit dans le contexte de la modernité. En Afrique Centrale, le Cameroun est l’un des pays où la cybermigration maritale apparaît comme un phénomène de société. Dans ce pays d’Afrique Centrale, la cybermigration maritale apparaît comme une nouvelle mobilité de jeunes femmes camerounaises en quête de statut social et qui utilisent Internet dans l’optique de tisser des liens, se marier et pouvoir émigrer sans trop de difficultés. C’est dans cette perspective que nous voulons analyser ce phénomène et ses implications au Cameroun où ces femmes ont inventé l’expression « chercher son blanc »." (Résumé)
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"This chapter presents the findings of a research project undertaken with the objective of understanding the radio-listening habits of Rwandan rebels in the Eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC). The intent was also to understand the impact and appreciation of an educational soap op
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era called 'Musekeweya', which dramatizes messages on conflict prevention and reconciliation. This radio theatre play is broadcast by Radio Rwanda, the Rwandan state broadcaster. In total, 101 ex-rebels of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) were consulted during several weeks of fieldwork in 2009." The conclusion (page 607) states: "Although there is no clear evidence that radio or a radio soap such as 'Musekeweya' played a decisive role in the final decision of ex-rebels to return home, it is clear that the radio soap has been somehow at work in a dynamic of competing ideologies and mindsets. Scott Straus is convinced that, in the context of mass violence, ideology and ideas shape decision making in "subtle but profound ways." Ideology played a decisive role in the dynamics that led to genocide against Tutsi and remains important in understanding the post-genocide situation … Since the end of the genocide, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) is promoting a radically different interpretation of Rwandan history and aims to reconfigure the political and societal narrative. Central is the notion of "Rwandanicity," or "Rwandanness," which asserts that before the arrival of colonialism, Rwandans were one unified people. According to this narrative, the colonial powers divided what had been a harmonious and egalitarian society. This ultimately culminated in the 1994 mass slaughter of Tutsi. This narrative praises the activities of the RPF, stopping the genocide in 1994 and divisionism altogether, and warns for the persistence of this "genocide ideology." But there is a thin line between re-education and political indoctrination, also on this side of the Rwandan border. The attempt to change mindsets can be seen as a strategy to achieve hegemonic control." (Introduction, page 597)
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"This book investigates ways in which global media coverage of conflicts affects the worldviews of the social and cultural values of nationals from the war regions. It identifies the cultural patterns in remote communities that have been 'diluted' by IT and the extent to which the changes impacted t
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he values of the indigenes. It also describes the role that IT especially social media and broadcast media play in the understanding of war among residents in highly wired and remote communities, respectively." (Publisher description)
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"This is a timely and much-needed collection that fills an important gap in the literature. It offers excellent conceptual tools and a selection of case studies that provide a useful map of the digital divide across the African continent and between Africa and the rest of the world. I especially app
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reciate the editors’ efforts to address African issues on their own terms and to problematize interpretive paradigms from the global north. It is a book that many will look forward to reading." (Pier Paolo Frassinelli, Professor, School of Communication, University of Johannesburg, South Africa)
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"In den 1980er Jahren verstärkte sich das Unbehagen an der Gedenkkultur mit ihren Heldenerzählungen und nationalen Beschränkungen. Mit der größeren Komplexität des Gedenkens und der Hinwendung zu den sozialen Kosten historischer Ereignisse prägte sich eine neue Erinnerungskultur aus. Diese is
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t kein abgeschlossenes Modell. In diesem Prozess wandeln sich die Wahrnehmung der Vergangenheit sowie die zukunftsgerichteten Zwecke des Gedenkens." (Seite 17)
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"Cet ouvrage donne les détails les plus précis sur la campagne menée par les principaux candidats à l'élection présidentielle 2018 au Congo. Ils ont été suivis chacun de très près, au jour le jour : Fayulu, Kamerhe, Shadary, Tshisekedi. Pendant 50 + 20 jours, leurs actes publics, leurs pro
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pos politiques ainsi que leurs apparitions dans l'univers internet ont été notés avec minutie. Ce livre offre la possibilité de revivre l'éclat du climat général de ces élections, avec ses épisodes de grave incertitude ou de vive animosité." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"La méticulosité et la pugnacité de l'auteur l'ont poussé à croiser les références documentaires. Mais ce n'est pas seulement un récit de l'aventure médiatique de deux magazines et de deux missions protestantes européennes dans le Congo de la fi n du XIXe siècle. On ne peut qu'admirer la
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puissance de distanciation du chercheur : Jean-Chrétien Ekambo ne relativise rien, ni l'exploitation éhontée et brutale ; il ne légitime rien, ni la violence symbolique et physique ; il n'atténue rien, ni les responsabilités directes des acteurs ; il n'élude rien, ni la dimension marchande des expéditions coloniales. L'auteur travaille à l'écart du romantisme et de l'antiracisme." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"This article examines representation of the conflict in Darfur by the media in Kenya, South Africa, Egypt and Rwanda. It analyses 850 newspaper articles published from 2003 to 2008 and journalist interviews from Kenya and South Africa. Using Mbembe’s articulation of ‘meaningful acts’ and Bour
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dieu’s field theory, the article highlights how the intersection of geopolitics, symbolic affirmation of unity and ‘Africanness’ and a ritualistic use of official sources led African media fields to mimic the global north in how they have framed the Darfur conflict. The most striking finding from the analysis of how these four countries reported the violence in Darfur is the salience of the ethnic conflict frame. However, the ethnic conflict frame was used in African media differently than in Western media, which often assumed a path-determined relationship between conflict and tribal identities. In contrast, African journalists used the ethnic frame to domesticate the news and as a part of specific political project to demarcate which actors should be understood as Other and with which actors audiences share an affinity." (Abstract)
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