"Can residents of Ukraine discern between pro-Kremlin disinformation and true statements? Moreover, which pro-Kremlin disinformation claims are more likely to be believed, and by which audiences? We present the results from two surveys carried out in 2019—one online and the other face-to-face—th
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at address these questions in Ukraine, where the Russian government and its supporters have heavily targeted disinformation campaigns. We find that, on average, respondents can distinguish between true stories and disinformation. However, many Ukrainians remain uncertain about a variety of disinformation claims’ truthfulness. We show that the topic of the disinformation claim matters. Disinformation about the economy is more likely to be believed than disinformation about politics, historical experience, or the military. Additionally, Ukrainians with partisan and ethnolinguistic ties to Russia are more likely to believe pro-Kremlin disinformation across topics. Our findings underscore the importance of evaluating multiple types of disinformation claims present in a country and examining these claims’ target audiences." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes how patronage crowdfunding is becoming a central part of the model for building a radio station. Implementing this model requires mobilizing listeners to engage in the direct, long-term financial support of a station. The analysis conducted in this article is based on a case s
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tudy of Radio 357—an Internet radio station in Poland funded through digital patronage since 2020. The success of this station suggests that the development of crowdfunding has created a space for new types of participatory engagement by audiences. Not only are we experiencing a reduction in the distance between presenters and listeners alongside increased connectivity between members of the audience but we are also seeing the intervention of patrons in shaping the station in terms of how, what, and when it broadcasts." (Abstract)
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"In this article, we revisit some of the debates about changing journalistic labour that have first emerged when digital technologies became widely available in newsrooms. The terms multiskilling, deskilling, up-skilling and re-skilling have been applied in a variety of contexts and in a range of st
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udies, but explorations of journalistic labour have tended to focus on core (news) workers. The de-skilling debate that originated in Braverman’s work continues to be relevant but we need a more nuanced approach to journalistic labour. Our case study addresses skills and changing work conditions in a regional Czech public service television newsroom and takes into account the experience of core as well as peripheral news workers. We conclude that camera reporters—those at the periphery of journalistic work—have faced the most detrimental loss of professional autonomy. We argue that a holistic approach to the core and the periphery of a newsroom helps us overcome some of the shortcomings of the conceptual variety of understandings of the journalistic field and the journalistic profession as well as the divergent definitions of skills involved in journalistic labour. Our case study is also important because it centres on underresearched public service media." (Abstract)
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"As a communicative space, the Russian public sphere is dramatically prosecuted, and it suffers from pathologic efforts to have it systematically shut down. This article looks back into the history of the new restrictive media laws and their framing in the state media. The analysis is disclosing how
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, or through which instruments and conditions, the state enabled, justified, and legitimized the act of securitization. It seeks to answer if there is a space left for dissident voices to be heard and for digital activism and resistance to exist or if the Russian media system has become a place solely defined by constant manipulation, censorship, and restrictions." (Abstract)
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"The internet is a double-edged sword: civilians can mobilise it to assemble and voice dissent, but illiberal regimes can also weaponise it to consolidate power and suppress any form of opposition. Internet shutdowns – intentional disruptions of internet services – represent one method used to l
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imit citizens’freedom of expression, information, peaceful assembly and other associated rights in the name of national security. Julia Ryng, Guillemette Guicherd, Judy Al Saman, Priyanka Choudhury and Angharad Kellett examine the cases of Myanmar and Belarus: two distinct political regimes that nonetheless converge on similar strategies of repression. Through this comparative analysis, the authors highlight how future repression is likely to work and how compelling policy responses can be formulated." (Abstract)
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"Russia uses a strategy of gendered disinformation in Ukraine to silence women journalists and create a certain negative image of gender equality and the role of women in democratic societies. Online violence can take on a variety of worms: doxxing, sectoring, trolling, cyberstalking, threats of vio
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lence and cyberbullying, as well as certain forms of disinformation and malinformation. There are essentially no data or research about the nature and scope of gendered disinformation as a phenomenon in Ukraine. This subject is not yet the focus of the Center for Combating Disinformation or the The Center for Strategic Communication under the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine. It can be assumed that this problem is erroneously believed to be insignificant. Content analysis of the information space of Ukraine and Russia (media, social networks, radio, television) using the information and analytical service Attack Index in the period from February 24, 2022 to August 2023 showed the presence of gendered disinformation about Ukrainian journalists." (Key findings)
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"Im Ringen um die globale Deutungshoheit setzt die russische Regierung seit Jahren auf die Verbreitung von Desinformation. Die finnische Journalistin Jessikka Aro hat nicht nur derartige Propagandataktiken aufgedeckt, sie wurde auch selbst zur Zielscheibe orchestrierter Drohungen durch vom Kreml unt
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erstützte Internettrolle. Sie zeigt, mit welch aggressiven Strategien die russische Seite schon lange vor dem Angriffskrieg auf die Ukraine versucht hat, die öffentliche Meinung in anderen Staaten in ihrem Sinne zu beeinflussen, sei es in Europa oder in den USA, im Baltikum oder auf dem Balkan. Durch vorgeblich unabhängige Nachrichtenseiten, durch massive Stimmungsmache in sozialen Medien und durch gezielte Hasskampagnen wird versucht, kritische Berichterstattung zu diskreditieren, Journalistinnen und Politiker einzuschüchtern und Zweifel an Fakten zu säen. Aro zeigt dieses Vorgehen beispielsweise anhand der Angriffe gegen sie selbst, aber auch anhand von Recherchen zur russischen Einflussnahme in Nachbarländern oder zum Abschuss des Passagierflugzeugs MH17. Die Autorin verdeutlicht einerseits die Gefahren dieses Informationskrieges für demokratische Gesellschaften und beschreibt andererseits, welchen Preis mutige Einzelpersonen zahlen, die sich der russischen Propagandamaschinerie entgegenstellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Wie einst im ursprünglichen Gothic die verlassenen Schlösser des Feudalismus als Orte des Spuks in die bürgerliche Ära hineinragten, so sind es heute die globalen Ruinen des geplatzten Traums von Freiheit, Gleichheit und Brüderlichkeit, in denen das Grauen haust: Von den vom Immobiliencrash ge
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zeichneten Vororten Detroits (Barbarian, 2022) bis zu den bleivergifteten Ufern des Riachuelo in Buenos Aires. Das sind düstere Aussichten: Eine Vergangenheit, die, wie Marx schrieb, »wie ein Alp auf dem Gehirne der Lebenden« lastet und eine Zukunft, in der wir, wie David Cronenberg zeigt, Plastik fressen müssen (Crimes of the Future, 2022). Der »Train to Busan« (2016) rast mit Hochgeschwindigkeit, doch auch am Zielbahnhof lauern die Zombies – und weil jede*r um das eigene Überleben kämpft, liegt der Griff nach der Notbremse fern. Da wird es unheimlich, oder im Sinne der Wortbedeutung: un-heimelig. Den das Un-heimliche verweist gerade auch auf den Schrecken, der hinter dem Vertrauten lauert. Und weil auf den Schrecken der Normalität zu verweisen immer schon Anliegen der iz3w ist, proklamieren wir: Gespenster aller Länder, vereinigt euch! Die Frage, was Horror und Gesellschafskritik verbindet, vertieft im Einleitungsartikel Georg Seeßlen (Seite 23). Danach bleiben wir dem globalen Spuk anhand ausgewählter Beispiele auf der Spur: Wie die argentinische Literatur Horrormotive nutzt, um die Schrecken von Diktatur und Postdiktatur auszudrücken, zeigt Nikolas Grimm (Seite 26). Dass sich realer und fiktiver Schrecken oft in nichts nachstehen, betont Rosaly Magg am Beispiel vom Horror der Flucht und Migration (Seite 36). Dazu gibt es zwei schaurige Interviews: mit dem Autor Mark H. Harris über Horror und Rassismus in den USA (Seite 32); und was Dracula in Istanbul treibt, erklärt uns der Regisseur Cem Kaya (Seite 40)." (Editorial, Seite 22)
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"Taking a person-centered approach – we explored different constellations of social-psychological characteristics associated with (dis)information belief in order to identify distinct subgroups whose (dis)information belief stems from different social or political motives. Hungarian participants (
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N = 296) judged the accuracy of fake and real news items with a political (pro/anti-government) and nonpolitical narrative. Two profiles of ‘fake news believers’ and two of ‘fake news non-believers’ emerged, with a high conspiracy mentality being the main marker of the former two. These two ‘fake news believers’ profiles were distinguishable: one exhibited extreme trust in the media and in politicians, and the other deep distrust. Our results suggest that not only political distrust, but also excessive trust can be associated with disinformation belief in less democratic social contexts." (Abstract)
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"This book is the result of a conference that could not take place. It is a collection of 26 texts that address and discuss the latest developments in international hate speech research from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. This includes case studies from Brazil, Lebanon, Poland, Nigeria,
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and India, theoretical introductions to the concepts of hate speech, dangerous speech, incivility, toxicity, extreme speech, and dark participation, as well as reflections on methodological challenges such as scraping, annotation, datafication, implicity, explainability, and machine learning. As such, it provides a much-needed forum for cross-national and cross-disciplinary conversations in what is currently a very vibrant field of research." (Back cover)
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"This open access book brings into dialogue migration and religion scholars with spiritual leaders and representatives of faith-based organizations assisting refugees. Migration has always been part of spiritual development. The current 'refugee crisis' has brought to the fore debates regarding the
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role of religion in defining difference, linking the 'refugee crisis' with Islam, and fear of the 'Other.' Many religious leaders and politicians invoke religious values and call for strict border controls while many humanitarians use religious values to welcome and assist refugees. This book focuses on politics and discourses mobilized by religious beliefs; lived experiences of religion; and faith actors' responses to forced migration." (Publisher description)
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"The two essays in this report highlight ways in which two global authoritarian powers, Russia and China, provide surge capacity to kleptocratic networks in Africa. In his essay J.R. Mailey dissects the Wagner Group’s illicit activities in key parts of Africa. The Wagner Group’s activities are c
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omplex, but Mailey zeroes in on the fact that the military support offered to African kleptocrats has little to do with providing security and stability for the African people. Rather it is focused on extracting resources, advancing geopolitical goals, and serving as a brutal cog in the authoritarian mutual support machinery. Even if the ultimate fate of the Wagner Group remains unclear, these trends are unlikely to abate. The opaque economic relationships that the Wagner Group has developed on the continent no doubt are too lucrative for the Kremlin to surrender [...] Andrea Ngombet Malewa’s essay highlights the ways in which Beijing facilitates Congo-Brazzaville’s deeply kleptocratic regime. In addition to long-standing Chinese involvement in the timber and extractive industries, Ngombet’s analysis spotlights the establishment of a Sino-Congolese Bank for Africa that could allow kleptocrats to bypass the transparency requirements of Western-linked banks, thereby affording opportunities to launder money with impunity. This development has significant implications for accountability norms worldwide." (Executive summary)
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"Populists and the Pandemic examines the responses of populist political actors and parties in 22 countries around the globe to the Covid-19 pandemic, in terms of their attitudes, rhetoric, mobilization repertoires, and policy proposals. The responses of some populist leaders have received much publ
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ic attention, as they denied the severity of the public health crisis, denigrated experts and data, looked for scapegoats, encouraged protests, questioned the legitimacy of liberal institutions, spread false information, and fueled conspiracies. But how widespread are those particular reactions? How much variation is there? What explains the variation that does exist? This volume considers these questions through critical analysis of countries in the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa, by leading experts with deep knowledge of their respective cases. Some chapters focus on populist parties, others on charismatic populist leaders. Some countries examined are democracies, others autocracies. Some populists are left-wing, others right-wing. Some populists are in government, others in opposition. This variation allows for a panoramic consideration of factors that systematically influence or mediate populist responses to the pandemic. The book thus makes a unique contribution to our understanding of the intersection between two of the most pressing social and political challenges of our time. The book will be of interest to all those researching populism, extremism, and political parties, and those more broadly interested in political science, public policy, sociology, communications, and economics." (Publisher description)
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"The purpose of this Report is to help the countries that are in the process of migrating from analogue to digital terrestrial broadcasting. The Report examines the reasons why this is happening and the technologies involved. It provides an overview of digital terrestrial sound and television broadc
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asting technologies and system migration. The Report outlines the available options for making that transition and the route to be followed. The Report is divided into two parts. Part 1 deals with the main issues related with the transition to digital, presents the principal problems and possible solutions. Part 2 gives more detailed information on important aspects which have already been covered in Part 1." (Page 1)
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