"The global economic downturn has affected countless businesses across the region, forcing them to slash costs, lay off employees, and reduce output. Media businesses are no exception. However, when media businesses are hit, it is not just their turnover that suffers: their primary function, the del
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ivery of news to citizens, feels the impact too. To explore the impact of the crisis on independent media and accountability journalism, the Media Program carried out a study in 18 post-socialist countries heavily hit by the crisis: Albania, Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, and Ukraine. The study looks at media performance in 2009 compared with the previous three years, explores the cost-saving measures taken by significant news carriers, and the effects of these measures on output, breadth and depth of coverage, scope of investigative reporting, and opportunities for open public debate." (OSI website)
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"Die Pressefreiheit hat uns beides gebracht, den Sauerstoff der Demokratie genauso wie das Lachgas von Infotainment und Kommerzialisierung.“ Der polnische Medienwissenschaftler Karol Jakubowicz wird sicherlich bei vielen demokratisch gesinnten Kollegen in Mitteleuropa und im Baltikum auf zustimmen
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des Kopfnicken treffen, wenn sie auf die Medienlandschaft in ihren Ländern schauen. Aber allenthalben ist ein deutliches Hüsteln zu vernehmen, weil politische und wirtschaftliche Interessengruppen an den Regelungsmechanismen der Sauerstoffzufuhr drehen. Dagegen leidet der Patient Medienfreiheit in Belarus, Moldova, in Russland, aber auch in der Ukraine unter chronischen Erstickungsanfällen, während es gleichzeitig am Lachgas nicht fehlt. Freilich ist die jeweilige Zusammensetzung dieses ätherischen Gemischs über 20 Jahre nach dem Beginn der revolutionären Umbrüche in Mittel- und Osteuropa von Land zu Land recht unterschiedlich, denn die Medien können nicht getrennt betrachtet werden von allen anderen Determinanten dieser Transformation, die nicht nur das politische Regime erfasste, sondern auch die wirtschaftlichen Strukturen und gesellschaftlichen Mentalitäten einem tiefgreifenden Wandel unterzogen. Da die Medien in vielschichtigen und wechselseitigen Abhängigkeiten von einer Vielzahl von Prozessen und Institutionen stehen – wie etwa dem Staat, politischen Bewegungen, den technologischen Entwicklungen, der Gesetzgebung, wirtschaftlichen Kräften, zivilgesellschaftlichen oder sozio-kulturellen Faktoren –, setzt ein Verständnis der spezifischen Entwicklungen der Medien die Kenntnis der generellen Prozesse der Transformation geradezu voraus." (Seite 97)
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"The diversity of attitudes of Russian society towards television coupled with many plots and subplots emerged in the public arena providing us with an opportunity to consider them as an indicators of the maturity of civil society in Russia. It is also an indicator of the level of influence that rel
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igions have in the public sphere and the content of TV programs. I will base my judgment on public declarations by authorities of the idea that Russia strives to build a civil society, rather than examining in details the discussion whether the existence of a civil society in Russia is a fact. The current situation on Russian TV is a permanent source of concern for many people in Russia. Heated public debate about the necessity of social control over Russian TV programs was raised first by religious organizations and then supported by various groups of civil society. The current public debate over the moral control of TV has its roots in perestroika, a time when freedom of media was not accompanied by proper understanding of media responsibility in Russia." (Introduction)
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"If the Kremlin should not be held directly responsible for ordering murders against journalists, it certainly bears responsibility for the atmosphere of lawlessness that reigns in Russia. Today’s Kremlin doesn’t mind free and critical voices as long as they remain politically irrelevant and hav
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e no impact on decision-making. In other words, Russia has freedom of expression, but no press freedom if the latter is understood as one of the elements in an institutionalized democratic polity. Media may cover political news, but news can’t become a political event." (Abstract)
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"From a research perspective, this case study highlights the need for further research into BBG-sponsored international broadcast services, both individually and collectively. Such studies could include quantitative content analyses of program content, survey research of listeners and viewers, inter
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view-based research with present and former BBG journalists and managers; and documentary studies into the history and politics of the services. In addition, there is a need for more comparative examination of Western international broadcasters, such as BBC, Deutsche Welle, VOA, and RFE/RL. Yet another area ripe for examination is the role of Russian international broadcasts into Central Asia and other parts of the former Soviet Union and their role as instruments of Russia’s foreign policy, public diplomacy, and propaganda. The battle for survival of the Uzbek Service continues, despite the fact that evaluations by VOA’s Office of Research for three successive years praised the quality of its radio and television shows. While the Service has been promised that it will survive, it faces crucial questions: How can excellent programs be most effectively delivered? How can VOA boost its presence and expand outreach and penetration? What options exist for better marketing and promotion? Should it mainly rely on the Internet or concentrate on improving reception through shortwave radio? Does its limited TV programming, available only on satellite and stations in neighboring countries, have a future? Technological changes beyond VOA’s control will also play a role in determining the Service’s future as the Internet becomes more accessible." (Conclusions and implications, page 124)
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"Peter Reddaway und neun weitere Autoren schauen ins das Archiv der Freiheit, das die osteuropäischen Bürgerrechtler mit ihren selbstverlegten Schriften anlegten. Sie entdecken substantielle Beiträge zur politischen Ideengeschichte des mündigen Bürgers. Sind im Zeitalter der wiedererstarkten po
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stsowjetischen Autokratien die Sozialen Netzwerke und die Blogs des RUnet auch ein solches Archiv der Freiheit? Dmitrij Golynko zweifelt, dass die atomisierten postsowjetischen Gesellschaften gerade im Internet geeint werden können, vier andere Autoren sind optimistischer." (https://www.hsozkult.de/journal/id/z6ann-104850)
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"Das erste deutsch-russische Wörterbuch der Journalistik bietet Praktikern und Wissenschaftlern 30 umfangreiche Fachartikel zu Nachricht, Kommentar, Interview, Reportage und weiteren Genres. Zahlreiche Beispieltexte aus Geschichte und Gegenwart des Journalismus unterstreichen seinen Gebrauchswert f
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ür Ausbildungskurse. Das Wörterbuch ist nicht nur zweisprachig deutsch/russisch gestaltet, das Herausgeberteam aus den Partneruniversitäten Rostov a.D. und Dortmund hat sich auch um eine Annährung der beiden journalistischen Kulturen bemüht. Wo es möglich war, sind die Fachartikel gemeinsam von deutschen und russischen Autor(inn)en verfasst worden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Im interdisziplinär ausgerichteten „Handbuch Medienethik“ systematisieren renommierte Autorinnen und Autoren medienethisch relevante Konzeptionen und Begriffe und typologisieren relevante Praxisfelder. Jenseits der tagesaktuell aufgeregten Ethik-Debatten werden Fundamente und Stützpfeiler med
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ienethischen Denkens und Handelns analysiert. Dabei werden Begründungen, Institutionen, Anwendungsfelder, Spannungsfelder, Grenzbereiche und Länderperspektiven der Medienethik dargestellt und reflektiert." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people ar
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e developing their political identities—including a transnational Muslim identity—online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as the book argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to this book, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states—including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan—are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan, and Tanzania and a comparative study of seventy-four countries with large Muslim populations, this book demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies." (Publisher description)
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"With contributions from an international team of well-known experts, media activists, and promising young scholars, this comprehensive volume examines community-based media from theoretical, empirical, and practical perspectives. More than 30 original essays provide an incisive and timely analysis
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of the relationships between media and society, technology and culture, and communication and community. Key Features: provides vivid examples of community and alternative media initiatives from around the world; explores a wide range of media institutions, forms, and practices—community radio, participatory video, street newspapers, Independent Media Centers, and community informatics; offers cutting-edge analysis of community and alternative media with original essays from new, emerging, and established voices in the field; takes a multidimensional approach to community media studies by highlighting the social, economic, cultural, and political significance of alternative, independent, and community-oriented media organizations; enters the ongoing debates regarding the theory and practice of community media in a comprehensive and engaging fashion." (Publisher description)
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"Internet censorship and surveillance becomes more sophisticated. The first-generation controls like China's "Great Firewall" are being replaced by techniques that include strategically timed distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, targeted malware, take-down notices and stringent terms-of-usa
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ge policies. Their aim is to shape and limit the national information environment. This publication reports on these new trends and their implications for the global internet commons. In addition, it offers 32 detailed country profiles on internet surveillance from the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Middle East and North Africa, Asia and Europe." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"Das durch die Digitalisierung mögliche Zusammenwachsen der Medien – z.B. von Fernsehen und Internet – hat ein wesentliches und entscheidendes Merkmal hervorgebracht: die Interaktivität. Mit neuen Medienformaten und Distributionskanälen wird interaktiver Medienkonsum möglich und bietet den K
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onsumenten, den Anbietern und der Werbeindustrie viele neue Möglichkeiten. In einer vergleichenden Analyse werden diese Entwicklungen in Deutschland und Russland unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der sehr unterschiedlichen Rahmenbedingungen diskutiert. In dem Buch sind die wichtigsten Beiträge von zwei wissenschaftlichen Kongressen in Moskau zusammengetragen worden. Die Analyse umfasst zwei Teilbereiche: Im ersten Teil werden die länderspezifischen Erkenntnisse über die Digitalisierung und die Zukunft der Medien erörtert, während im zweiten Teil eine umfassende Bewertung der Auswirkungen der Krise für die Medienlandschaft folgt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Leading researchers from different regions of Europe and the United States address five major interrelated themes: 1) how ideological and normative constructs gave way to empirical systematic comparative work in media research; 2) the role of foreign media groups in post-communist regions and the e
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ffects of ownership in terms of impacts on media freedom; 3) the various dimensions of the relationship between mass media and political systems in a comparative perspective; 4) professionalization of journalism in different political cultures—autonomy of journalists, professional norms and practices, political instrumentalization and the commercialization of the media; 5) the role of state intervention in media systems." (Publisher description)
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"To understand the potential implications of Putin’s media strategy, it is useful to recall the rule and fall of Peru’s Alberto Fujimori. Like Putin, Fujimori used the wealth and power at his disposal to emasculate much of the country’s media. Also like Putin, however, he stopped short of impo
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sing a uniform system of state ownership and censorship [...] In principle, the “minimalist” system of media control used by authoritarian leaders like Putin and Fujimori can work indefinitely, but it is vulnerable to shocks. Control of only the commanding heights leaves room for information to circulate at lower altitudes, threatening the regime’s carefully calibrated message." (Page 85)
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