"The main objective of this book was to explore contemporary expressions of civic culture in Estonia by looking at civic experiences: how do young people in Estonia experience their relationship with the political, politics and fellow citizens, and how do their civic experiences intersect with media
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experiences? The participants expressed civic experiences in diverse ways. One of these forms was media criticism, which is a critical reflection on media as institutions and content, or as Carpentier (2011) puts it, “discourse machineries”. Hence, I distinguished between practices that arise out of media criticism as expressed in the material, namely the practices of critical media connectors and critical media disconnectors. Both of these groups shared critical standpoints about the media failing in their role as watchdogs and information providers." (Conclusions, page 112)
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"Through the methodological framework of the Networked Readiness Index (NRI), the report measures the extent to which 144 economies, from both the developed and developing worlds, take advantage of ICTs and other new technologies to increase their growth and well-being. The NRI identifies the most r
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elevant factors driving ICT readiness and impacts, providing policymakers, business leaders, and civil society at large with a useful tool for designing national strategies for increased networked readiness and for benchmarking their country’s performance against other relevant comparators. The Global Information Technology Report 2013 features the latest computation and rankings of the NRI, and in referring to this year’s theme, dives deeper into the connection between ICTs and economic growth and job creation. As in previous years, it also showcases a number of ICT development stories of particular interest. In addition, the report includes detailed profiles for the 144 economies covered this year together with data tables for each of the 54 indicators used in the computation of the NRI." (Back cover)
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"Religious broadcasting represents one of the basic elements of the public service broadcasting (broadcasting for the public benefit). It serves various public needs and purposes - according to the ritual model of communication it serves the intermediary function (it allows to participate in the lit
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urgy at the actual time for that part of the audience, which is unable to visit the actual place), according to the transmission model and reception model of communication in particular, it fulfils the educative function by spreading the common Christian values, creates the space for dialogue inside the Church and between the Church and the world. But above all, the main purpose of religious broadcasting is evangelization and bringing the spirit of gospel into the life of the audience. Each of these aspects of religious broadcasting has a specific audience; therefore the forms of addressing it should be different as well. At least, it requires the cooperation between the broadcaster and relevant church authorities. However, the problem lies in the fact that even in countries with a long tradition of religious broadcasting as a component of public service, the legislation does not specify the role of the broadcaster – should it provide broadcasting space only or should it actively intervene in the broadcasting? Is it allowed to do so according to the documents of the Church? Would it be possible to make the religious acts more appropriate for broadcasting by the use of elements such as a preferred style for the religious texts or special camera angles for liturgical acts in TV transmissions? There are many unanswered questions yet, and the answers to these questions can be found neither in the legislation, which the broadcaster follows, nor in religious documents." (Abstract)
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"Das in zweiter Auflage überarbeitete Lehrbuch führt konsistent und verständlich in Theorie, Methodik und Gegenstandsbereiche der international vergleichenden Mediensystemforschung ein. Es macht mit deren Fragestellungen vertraut und arbeitet die für den Vergleich relevanten Strukturelemente her
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aus. Der Forschungsbereich wird einerseits inhaltlich, d. h. durch ausgewählte Themenstellungen (z. B. Kommunikationspolitik, Medienkonzentration), und andererseits räumlich, d. h. durch bedeutende Länder und Weltregionen, erschlossen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The present study is part of a complex research of media language to spread religious messages. It deals with the nature of the communication channel of the mass-media. It is based on the qulitative research carried out especially by means of the methods of focus groups and Delphi Techniques. Start
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ing with the key issue of the function of journalism, the study gradually investigates the attributes of the media communication channels according to their approach towards religious topics. Based on this criterion, the research divides media into two groups: secular and religious media. The study carefully investigates their internal motivation, commerciality, democratic nature and publicity, agenda setting and capacity to change people. (Abstract)
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"We will, in this paper, argue that the concept of propaganda is still relevant in the context of post-communist Hungary. More particularly, we will suggest that, in contrast to the period 1998-2010 when modern political marketing methods were applied widely, the political campaigns launched under V
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iktor Orbán’s second government (2010–present) have marked a paradigm shift in the history of political communication in Hungary, best described as the revival of old-school propaganda. First, drawing on a distinction by Gunther and Diamond between proto-hegemonic and pluralist parties in the political realm, we will attempt to establish a theoretical dichotomy between political propaganda and political marketing in the communicative domain. Then we will demonstrate – through an analysis of three campaigns launched during the past three years – that the communication of the ruling proto-hegemonic Fidesz party and its Christian Democratic coalition ally meets the criteria of classic political propaganda. Finally, we will apply neo-Durkheimian media theory to describe the selected political campaigns as communication rituals and attempt to show that political propaganda may, under specific circumstances, actively involve, engage and mobilize target audiences." (Abstract)
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"In diesem Band wird sowohl das Gefangenenbüchereiwesen in Deutschland als auch international vorgestellt. Neben der Geschichte der Gefangenenbüchereien werden die Gesetzesgrundlagen und unterschiedliche Bibliotheksangebote für Menschen in Haft erstmalig in einem Band zusammengefasst." (Verlagsbe
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schreibung)
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"In the last few years, Russia has become an important player in the international internet governance debate, pushing for a governance model that is state-centric, hierarchical and based on the inviolability of state sovereignty. Russia has not only articulated an alternative model at forums like t
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he World Conference on International Telecommunications (WCIT), it has formed alliances with states such as China and Saudi Arabia, who share its vision. Russia’s views on internet governance stem from security concerns about the potential of independent information to harm its state and society, as well as from a normative aversion to what it views as US domination of internet governance. Russia favours the UN and particularly ITU as the organisation best suited for ultimately settling questions of governance." (Summary, page 6)
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"A quarter of a century after the collapse of communism in the former Eastern bloc, a wide range of scholarly projects have been undertaken to compare and theorize processes of media change in the region. One question that scholars have sought to address is: what were the factors that crucially impa
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cted how these media landscapes evolved? This essay aims to contribute to this debate by juxtaposing media change in two selected cases: the Czech Republic (as a best-case scenario in terms of convergence with the Western model) and Russia (as a scenario where convergence has been limited). Based on secondary analysis of a wide range of sources, the essay systematically exposes 11 crucial differences between the two countries and illustrates how these have impacted the processes of media change. The conclusion sets out how these findings could serve as a starting point and source of inspiration for future comparative research." (Abstract)
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"State capture is slowly but surely enveloping Hungarian media, principally through the “soft censorship” of financial incentives and influence that affect media otlets’ editorial content and economic viability. Allocation of state advertising spending is opaque and unfair; it is based on the
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political leanings of particular media outlets, and this distorts market competition significantly. Biased advertising spending influences editorial policies in an indirect way, creating a newsroom atmosphere in which editors accept and journalists practice self-censorship. Market competition among media agencies is clearly distorted by the biased award of state contracts. Legal regulations and financial practices of Hungary’s current public-media financing permit improper state influence over public media and fail to comply with European Commission requirements regarding state support for public-service media." (Key findings, page 6)
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"The report offers a status on the US and UK markets as well as close ups on ebook markets as they take shape across Europe, Brazil, China, India, Russia, and in the Arab world. Thematic chapters focus on critical policy debates and on key driving forces, notably ebook bestsellers and pricing strate
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gies across European markets, selfpublishing, regulation, piracy, and the expanding activities of the leading global players." (Executive summary)
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"Anhand dreier Fallbeispiele aus Indien, Burundi und der Tschechischen Republik kann exemplarisch gezeigt werden, wie sehr das jeweilige Umfeld die Schwierigkeiten diözesaner Presse prägt. Mediensystem, gesellschaftliche und diözesane Rahmenbedingungen scheinen als Einflussgrößen auf die Bistum
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spresse größer zu werden, je weniger stabil ein Land und seine Gesellschaft entwickelt sind." (Abstract)
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"This article looks critically at the systems approaches in comparative media studies when applied to studying the relationship between media and politics in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). It introduces a concept of methodological systematization consisting of four different components: (1) the r
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elationship between a political and a media system (methodological politicization); (2) the relationship between democracy and a media system (methodological democratization); (3) the relationship between a nation-state and a media system (methodological nationalism); and (4) the relationship between culture and a media system (methodological structuralism). The article concludes that these system approaches should not be taken as a naturalized starting point for comparative research when studying media and politics in CEE." (Abstract)
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"Community radio in Europe is maturing more and more. However, in Central and Eastern Europe, in which countries are still coping with a fatal heritage of the totalitarian history, community radio is now struggling for its rightful place. This is also the case in Poland. Because of insufficient lega
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l recognition of the community sector in media law, radio stations with non-commercial goals exist often outside the official licensed third sector of media. These are, for example, religious stations, student broadcasters as well as stations run by NGOs and local governments. Moreover, in some communities closed circuit radio stations play a significant role – for example, in prisons, at schools and student hostels. There are also a lot of internet radio initiatives in very diverse communities. In this article I would like to explain the legal situation of community broadcasting, to characterize the community media movement as well as to shortly present stations with non-commercial goals in Poland. Moreover, a research project about such stations in Poland will be discussed." (Abstract)
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"Ein Teil der Subkulturen des russischen Internets unterstützt heute offen und aggressiv das Regierungslager. Insbesondere sind dies die sogenannten padonki („Prolls“), die mit ihrer falschen Orthographie und obszönen Lexik früher gezielt provozierten, deren Wortschöpfungen heute aber Teil d
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er Populärkultur geworden sind. Der scheinbare Widerspruch zwischen dem einst rebellischen Auftreten dieser Gruppen und ihrer heutigen staatsnahen Position löst sich bei näherer Betrachtung auf. Zur psychosozialen Disposition der padonki gehörte von Beginn an das Ressentiment. Das herrschende Regime hat sich diese Disposition erfolgreich zunutze gemacht und profitiert heute mit von der Bekanntheit der ehemaligen „Prolls." (Abstract)
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