"Despite the pervasiveness of workplace sexual harassment, the connection between sexual harassment and job satisfaction in the news industry remains insufficiently researched. This 16-country and one state study (N*=*1583) sampled news personnel from Sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Arab
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region. The results expand current knowledge by examining understudied countries, measuring the impact of sexual harassment on job satisfaction, and evaluating differences in how people perceive gender equality in the news industry. Results show that both verbal and physical sexual harassment are common, underreported, and impact job satisfaction—challenging common misconceptions that there are only few cases of “real” sexual harassment with negative consequences. Sub-Saharan African countries had the lowest job satisfaction and the highest experienced sexual harassment. Southeast Asia had the highest job satisfaction and the lowest experienced sexual harassment. Men had higher levels of job satisfaction and gender equality perceptions than women. The results also highlight power imbalances that reinforce gendered hierarchies." (Abstract)
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"As one of the mass media, the existence of radio in carrying out its role as a social institution to provide education for citizens, especially political education in a democratic country is an interesting topic. The purpose of this study is to analyze the way radio runs and controls political educ
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ation programs for citizens in public spheres and uncovers radio strategies to survive in the face of competition in the digital era. This study adopted descriptive qualitative methods and qualitative content analysis using radio interactive programs. The data were collected through interviews with the manager or directors of each radio. The subjects of this study were four radio stations in East Java, Indonesia. The results showed that radio carries out this role by organizing programs that involve participants. All radios have a mechanism for selecting participants, news and experts/informants. In carrying out its function as a social institution to provide education for citizens including political education, radio has made serious efforts by producing content that: 1) provides knowledge about local political dynamics; 2) criticizes public policies; and 3) activates citizen participation in public issues. Selectively choose the content of the program. Radio’s ability to survive was strongly supported by its ability to utilize of income opportunities and elegantly avoid economic and political pitfalls by empowering the role of the public sphere through massive involvement of external sources. Thus, the constructed opinion seems to be more of an extra media influence rather than an internal initiative of the radi o organization." (Abstract)
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"Objectives: To examine the association between exposure to breastfeeding television spots and exclusive breastfeeding (EBF). Methods: We performed face-to-face interviews with 11 722 mothers of infants younger than 6 months using 5 cross-sectional surveys 6 or more months apart between 2011 and 201
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4 in Vietnam. Sample sizes were 2065 to 2593, and approximately 50% of participants lived in areas with (Alive & Thrive [A&T]-intensive [I]) and approximately 50% without (A&T-nonintensive [NI]) facilities offering counseling services.We analyzed data at individual and commune levels separately for A&T-I and A&T-NI areas. Results: Exposure to television spots was associated with higher EBF in A&T-I and A&T-NI areas. In A&T-I areas, mothers who could recall at least 1 message were more likely to report EBF. In A&T-NI areas, only recall of at least 3 messages was associated with higher EBF. In communes, 1 message recalled corresponded to 17 percentage points higher EBF prevalence in A&T-I and A&T-NI communes, respectively. Conclusions: Mass media should be part of comprehensive programs to promote EBF." (Abstract)
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"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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"This report presents a final evaluation of EngageMedia’s project «Digital Rights and Video for Change: Building the Movement in Southeast Asia», funded by the Embassy of Sweden Bangkok. The evaluation covered activities from September 2019 to August 2022 in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand,
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and the broader Asia Pacific region. Evaluation reveals EngageMedia’s relevance in addressing digital rights issues but highlightes the need for EngageMedia to have a clearer role definition. The evaluation team also concludes that while EngageMedia increased organizational effectiveness, monitoring data challenges impact demonstration. The evaluation underlines that project’s sustainability is a concern, and urges to consider monetizing outputs and streamlining for long-term viability. Recommendations include refining EngageMedia’s role in the digital rights space and their thematic and geographic scope, improving monitoring and evaluation system, integrating gender equality and human rights into programming, enhancing program and financial management. The evaluation recommends that Sida should consider additional support when providing core funding to mitigate unintended consequences." (Back cover)
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"The unprecedented situation brought on by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has forced many sectors in Indonesia to transform and deliver their public services using ICTs. While the government has leveraged its school connectivity programme, started before the pandemic, in response to the tremend
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ous need for connectivity for home-based teaching and learning, the system was caught unprepared. As this proposal explains, digital learning fell short owing to limited connectivity, the shortage of devices, the lack of digital literacy and skills, unfamiliarity with edtech, and the scarcity of digitized education materials. These shortcomings, associated with the country’s geographical situation, urban–rural gaps and socio-economic as well as technological disparities, posed unique challenges in Indonesia. In the face of those challenges, a framework is proposed here to help assess needs and resources related to school connectivity holistically.
The proposal comprises a set of interconnected components (see Figure 7). The outer components are requirements that must be met to enable school connectivity, i.e. policy environment, infrastructure and devices, sustainable financing for connectivity and digital data governance. The inner components are multipliers that help optimize the use of school connectivity, i.e. digital literacy and skills, edtech and school–community partnership. The proposal ends with a summary of issues meriting further consideration and is expected to initiate further discussion of how to implement school connectivity in Indonesia." (Executive summary)
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"Throughout the twenty-first century, genocide denial has evolved and adapted with new strategies to augment and complement established modes of denial. In addition to outright negation, denial of genocide encompasses a range of techniques, including disputes over numbers, contestation of legal defi
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nitions, blaming the victim, and various modes of intimidation, such as threats of legal action. Arguably the most effective strategy has been denial through the purposeful creation of misinformation. Denial of Genocides in the Twenty-First Century brings together leading scholars from across disciplines to add to the body of genocide scholarship that is challenged by denialist literature. By concentrating on factors such as the role of communications and news media, global and national social networks, the weaponization of information by authoritarian regimes and political parties, court cases in the United States and Europe, freedom of speech, and postmodernist thought, this volume discusses how genocide denial is becoming a fact of daily life in the twenty-first century." (Publisher description)
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"How has the Philippine disinformation landscape evolved since 2016? How different was the 2022 presidential election from previous electoral cycles? And what lessons can we learn from electoral triumphs and defeats often associated with disinformation? This report goes to the heart of these questio
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ns. Our aim is to understand the evolving character of disinformation—the tactics used, actors involved, the wider context in which disinformation unfolds, and the responses of the government, tech platforms, and civil society to these trends. In doing so, we hope to generate actionable insights on impactful responses to disinformation, with a view of preparing for the 2025 midterm election." (Introduction)
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"Indonesia is in the lowest category on the Global Connectivity Index 2020 in terms of ICT investment, ICT maturity and digital economic performance. It should close the Internet connectivity gap in every educational facility so as to ensure educational opportunities, a productive knowledge-based ec
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onomy and, ultimately, graduation to a higher category. Internet service affordability is another factor contributing to the urban–rural digital divide, which has widened during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite national spending by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, 40 per cent of students and teachers remain unconnected for reasons related to affordability.
Although Indonesia has reached target prices for mobile Internet service of 1.17 (pre-paid) and 1.40 per cent (post-paid), the requirement to study and teach from home has led to a surge in demand at the same time as it has highlighted the high cost of Internet use in education. The way in which the Internet has been used to study during the pandemic makes it unaffordable for teachers and students [...]
Despite the best efforts of the digital/telecommunication and education sectors, the residual gaps are indicative of a critical policy issue, as revealed by further analyses. Without proper policy intervention, the education sector will continue to suffer the severe impact of connectivity affordability and accessibility gaps. The following policy interventions are recommended to address these gaps: • Option 1: Issue a new presidential decree expanding BAKTI’s programme for school connectivity beyond the current 3T areas; Option 2: Expand the current Internet access programme beyond the 3T areas to connect schools that are most in need, targeting schools in underserved areas. Option 3: To enhance affordability, have BAKTI focus on coverage programmes (e.g. subsidized base transceiver stations), not only in 3T areas, but also where students and teachers live, and the schools become the universal connectivity target. Option 4: If BAKTI has implemented all supply-side interventions, but affordability remains an issue, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology could consider providing demand-side subsidies for underprivileged groups of students and teachers." (Executive summary, pages 27-28)
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"Is it necessary for journalists to seek refuge with foreign agencies to escape national governmental and policy restrictions? Should journalism education rely on international support, or is it feasible to detach it from foreign development collaboration? Should education be viewed as a business or
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commodity? Is any international development support sustainable within the local context? Is free thinking truly free from the structural constraints of slavery and financial influence? Is absolute freedom a utopian ideal or a tangible reality? These inquiries, coupled with corresponding philosophical methodologies, aim to evaluate the structure, constituents, excellence, and norms of current journalism education programs. The goal is to uncover if and to what extent international media development organizations sway journalism education programs during the transition phase (2011–2021) in Myanmar or beyond.
2011 marked a turning point, as the military-supported government of Myanmar granted media professionals the ability to exercise their fundamental rights to express themselves and access information. The government has taken a number of favorable measures towards the democratic path, such as partially lifting censorship from several news publications, authorizing private daily newspapers, approving new television channels, establishing a press council, and permitting journalist unions and associations. The formation of the quasi-elected government in 2015 brought renewed hope. However, the military coup at the beginning of 2021 has once again impeded progress towards a democratic environment, and fundamental rights such as access to information and freedom of speech. Capacity building facilities for journalists and media professionals remain an important aspect of the democratic process in the country." (Publisher description)
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"Moving beyond a common visual concern within Religious Studies with art, aesthetic value, and perceptions of beauty or coherence, this volume shows how, when, and why images dare, shock, terrorize, confront, challenge, mock, shame, taunt, or offend, either intentionally or unintentionally, and as s
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uch lead to both confrontation and affective religious engagement. Exploring and experimenting with the relationship between text and image, the contributions draw attention simultaneously to the messiness of everyday life and to highly targeted, disruptive interventions that mark religious contestation in an era of escalating mobility and digital multiplicity. The volume thus illuminates an insight that has received little attention so far: provocation is among religion’s most significant mediations." (Publisher description)
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"This report examines why the precarious middle class in the Philippines has been particularly susceptible to digital disinformation. It focuses on two key imaginaries that disinformation producers weaponized in the year leading up to the 2022 national elections. The first was a long-simmering anti-
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Chinese resentment, which racist social media campaigns about Philippines-China relations targeted. The other was a yearning for a “strong leader”, which history-distorting campaigns about the country’s Martial Law era amplified. Ironically, some practices adopted by members of the public to protect themselves from the toxicity and vitriol of online spaces increased their vulnerability to digital disinformation. The cumulative impact of these was for people to dig deeper into their existing imaginaries, something that disinformation producers targeted and exploited. We offer two suggestions for future counter-disinformation initiatives. The first has to do with addressing people’s vulnerability to the weaponization of their shared imaginaries. Counter-disinformation initiatives can move past divisive imaginaries by infusing creativity in imparting information. Collaborating with well-intentioned professionals in the media and creative industries would be key to these kinds of initiatives. The second has to do with addressing people’s media consumption practices. These practices tend to open them up to sustained and long-term digital disinformation campaigns, which provide them with problematic imaginaries to dig into. To establish a similarly robust common ground of reality, counter-disinformation initiatives should themselves be programmatic, not ad hoc." (Executive summary)
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