"This collection considers how digital images and social media reconfigure the way conflicts are played out, represented and perceived around the globe. Devoted to developing original theoretical frameworks and empirical insights, the volume addresses the role of user images and social media in rela
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tion to urgent subjects such as public opinion and emotion, solidarity, evidence and verification, censorship and fake news, which are all central to the ways current conflicts are represented and unfold. Essays include a unique range of case studies from different regional and political contexts (Middle East, Europe, Asia, North America) and in connection with different conflict types (war, terror, riots, everyday resistance, etc.). They also consider performative genres such as memes, selfies and appropriations as well as images conforming to the realism and authenticity of conventional photojournalism. In this way, the collection responds to the challenges of swiftly evolving image genres as well as to the continually shifting policies and algorithms of commercial digital platforms." (Publisher description)
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"The purpose of this study is to investigate the extent of digital surveillance by Arab authorities, which face risks and threats of surveillance, and how journalists seek to press freedom by using tools and techniques to communicate securely. Design/methodology/approach: The study used focus group
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discussions with 14 journalists from Syria, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Yemen, Oman, Jordan and Egypt. While in Egypt, questionnaires were distributed to 199 journalists from both independent and semi-governmental outlets to investigate how Egyptian journalists interpret the new data protection law and its implications for press freedom. Findings: The study indicated that journalists from these countries revealed severe censorship by their respective governments, an element inconsistent with the Arab Constitution. The recommendation of the study encourages media organisations to play a more active role in setting policies that make it easier for journalists to adopt and use digital security tools, while Egyptian journalists see the law as a barrier to media independence because it allows the government to exercise greater information control through digital policy and imposes regulatory rules on journalists. Practical implications: The study identifies practical and theoretical issues in Arab legislation and may reveal practices of interest to scientists researching the balance between data protection, the right of access to information and media research as an example of contemporary government indirect or ‘‘soft’’ censorship methods. Originality/value: To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is one of the first research contributions to analyse the relationships between Arab authoritarians who used surveillance to restrict freedom of the press after the Arab Spring revolutions of 2011 to keep themselves in power as long as they could. In addition, Egypt’s use of surveillance under new laws allowed the regimes to install software on the journalists’ phones that enabled them to read the files and emails and track their locations; accordingly, journalists can be targeted by the cyberattack and can be arrested." (Abstract)
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"On average in the 16 countries surveyed, 56% of internet users frequently use social media to stay informed about current events, far ahead of television (44%). However, it is worth noting that differences exist among population groups: television is the primary source in the most developed countri
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es (55% compared to 37% for social media), while it lags significantly in countries with high (42% vs 63%) or medium/low levels of Human Development Index (HDI) (37% vs 68%) [...] The significance of social media as a source of information, especially during election campaigns, is even more crucial given that citizens believe disinformation is highly prevalent there. Across all 16 countries, 68% of internet users told us that social media is the place where disinformation is most widespread, far ahead of groups on online messaging apps (38%) and media websites/apps (20%). This sentiment is overwhelmingly prevalent in all countries, age groups, social backgrounds, and political preferences. This is even more important and citizens feel that the issue of disinformation is a real threat: 85% express concern about the impact and influence of disinformation on their fellow citizens." (Analysis of key results)
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"Forcibly displaced people often face restrictive migration policies and stereotypical discourses. Therefore, this study analyzes UNHCR's public communication strategies towards the Syrian and Central African crises. Through a comparative-synchronic multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) of U
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NHCR's (international) press releases (N = 28), news stories (N = 233), photos (N = 462) and videos (N = 50) of 2015, we examined its main representation and argumentation strategies. First, we found that UNHCR primarily represents forcibly displaced people in its press releases and news as victimized and/or voiceless masses, reproducing humanitarian savior and deservingness logics. However, stories, photos, and videos frequently portray them also as empowered individuals. This can be partially explained by media logics and political and private sector discourses and agenda-building opportunities. Moreover, UNHCR mainly voices pity-based and post-humanitarian Self-oriented solidarity discourses, and links protection to states’ (perceived) interests. Finally, these discursive strategies respond to dominant migration management paradigms and the increasingly neoliberalized, political realist international refugee regime (IRR)." (Abstract)
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"Today, social networks are the most popular and widely used applications among smartphone users all around the world. Three years ago, the Telegram messaging app was the most widely used social messaging app in Iran due to its technical features and user-friendliness. Despite its popularity, Telegr
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am caused controversial debates among policymakers and public opinion. To discover the nature of these conflicts, two main discourses were identified through qualitative data analysis based on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. Proponents of Minaret discourse consider the Telegram as a threat to national security, thus they have tried to provide favorable condition to limit using it, and develop alternative domestic apps. In contrast, Cylinder discourse supports using the Telegram app to fulfill citizens’ digital rights and their rights of privacy and freedom of expression. This discursive conflict among policymakers, along with users’ resistance, resulted in some failures in the adoption of foreign apps (e.g., Telegram). Despite the extensive technical, financial, and moral supports to popularize domestic apps, users still prefer foreign apps such as Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram. The analysis of emergent discourses demonstrates the origins of contestations and provides insights into how to adopt social messaging apps." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the influence of international political actors in perpetuating disinformation in fragile states, using Iraq as a case study. The advent of modern technology and social media has transformed the global information landscape, providing new avenues for the dissemination of disinfo
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rmation. This study delves into the history of disinformation in Iraq, particularly during and after the fall of the Baathist regime, and investigates how national and international actors utilise disinformation as a political tool. Through three case studies, the overlapping interests of regional, international, and local actors are explored, focusing on their use of social and legacy media platforms to execute influence operations targeting the Iraqi public. The first case study examines the Iranian-aligned Iraqi Radio and Television Union and their deployment of disinformation narratives during the 2021 national election. The second case study investigates unofficial Iranian-aligned Telegram media outlets and their promotion of the Russian narrative in the Russia-Ukraine War. The final case study analyses Pro-China and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Facebook influencers in Iraq and their engagement in coordinated inauthentic behavior. By connecting the interactions of these actors, this paper reveals a complex web of disinformation in the Iraqi digital information ecosystem, emphasising the role played by national and international actors in perpetuating it. The findings contribute to a better understanding of disinformation dynamics, enabling more effective strategies to combat disinformation and foster informed and democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The key findings suggest that Syrians continue to adopt social media and social messaging apps as the primary channels through which they access news. They appreciate the privacy of messaging apps for communication with friends and family, and check the credibility of news stories with friends, fam
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ily and other sources through these apps. In 2023, Syrians required news content about local issues, economic news and updates regarding basic services, all of which differed from the 2020 findings. Respondents also told us that they prioritise breaking news, and have minimal dependency on radio or print. They are adept at recognising partisan media and prefer news from familiar, credible media that are free from political bias. They have average levels of trust in most local, regional and international media, with very little differentiation between the most trusted and least trusted (only 10% difference). Residents of Ar-Raqqa have some of the lowest levels of trust across media providers. Syrians have medium/mixed levels of trust in a wide range of online and offline news and information sources, including independent media Over 74% of the survey respondents reported that they trust news that they receive on social media from friends and family." (Executive summary, page 1-2)
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"Des échanges intertextuels entre films, oralité et écriture ont caractérisé la production cinématographique des années 1990 et un certain nombre d’études leur ont été dédiées. Moins traitées par la recherche sont les relations entretenues par le cinéma avec la télévision et l’In
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ternet, alors que ces articulations sont omniprésentes dans le domaine de la production et de la réalisation de films en amazigh/berbère. Les articles réunis ici sont donc consacrés à l’imbrication du cinéma amazigh/berbère avec l’ensemble des autres médias et visent à répondre aux questions suivantes : quelle est l’influence des autres médias sur la technique et le sujet des films en amazigh ? L’intertextualité médiatique joue-t-elle un rôle dans l’émergence de nouveaux thèmes ? Quelle est la réception des nouveaux thèmes et films ? " (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"This book analyses the marketing techniques that terrorist organisations employ to encourage people to adopt their ideology and become devoted supporters. The book's central thesis is that due to the development of digital technologies and social media, terrorist groups are employing innovative mar
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keting techniques and advertising strategies to foster an emotional connection with their audiences, particularly those in younger demographics. By conducting thematic and narrative analyses of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) propagandist magazines, as well as looking at the group's online communities, the book demonstrates that terrorist groups behave as commercial brands by establishing an emotional connection with their potential recruits. Specifically, groups and their potential supporters follow the logic of emotional choice. The book emphasizes that while ISIS became the first group that discovered and benefited from the power of marketing, it did not have a supernatural power and thus it is possible to find a response to it, which is particularly important now. The book eventually poses a question about whether terrorism has become the product of marketing in the same way as any mainstream consumer product is, and asks what can we do to battle the appeal of marketing-savvy terrorist groups." (Publisher description)
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"Moving beyond a common visual concern within Religious Studies with art, aesthetic value, and perceptions of beauty or coherence, this volume shows how, when, and why images dare, shock, terrorize, confront, challenge, mock, shame, taunt, or offend, either intentionally or unintentionally, and as s
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uch lead to both confrontation and affective religious engagement. Exploring and experimenting with the relationship between text and image, the contributions draw attention simultaneously to the messiness of everyday life and to highly targeted, disruptive interventions that mark religious contestation in an era of escalating mobility and digital multiplicity. The volume thus illuminates an insight that has received little attention so far: provocation is among religion’s most significant mediations." (Publisher description)
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"This article analyses the dangers and threats faced by Syrian journalists covering the conflict since the pro-democracy protests erupted in March 2011. While most Western research on the Syrian Revolution has focused on the working difficulties faced by correspondents, parachutists or foreign freel
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ancers, this article scrutinizes the working conditions for Syrian content providers. Syrian journalists’ testimonials of fear and their perception of danger and vulnerability provide a humanistic lens not only on the scope of what revolution and war mean to many who have lived it and been transformed by it, but also on the reality of informing in dangerous contexts. The study contemplates the practitioners’ working risks and perceptions of fear and threats, as well as their personal security measurements. The characterization of fear during the militarization of the rebellion as a semi-normalized way of life, suggested by Pearlman’s article, ‘Narratives of fear in Syria’ (2016), allows the authors to place their study in a conceptual frame. The implementation of a survey answered by 82 Syrian journalists was complemented by semi-structured interviews with a selected group of 12 participants. In a context in which 86.6 percent of the respondents had colleagues who had died while working, the findings illustrate that Syrian reporters and media activists perceive their work as extremely dangerous. In the perception of fear, the adoption of personal safety measures by practitioners does not always contribute to decreasing it; the trauma experience can act both as a paralysing and empowering working factor." (Abstract)
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"Digital media have provided activists with communication and organizational tools that have revolutionized the work of social movements. This article contributes to the literature on the role of digital media in the transnationalization of protests by examining a case study of a digital advocacy ca
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mpaign initiated by Palestinian activists against the Israeli occupation using #SaveSheikhJarrah. It presents an empirical case in which digital media provide an alternative pathway for transnationalizing a local cause through applying the connective action framework. It argues that the Sheikh Jarrah activists successfully used connective action mechanisms through digital media techniques to transnationalize protests that began in East Jerusalem and spread beyond national borders to numerous locations worldwide. Moreover, the study employs a mixed-method analysis that incorporates the network perspective to explain the flow of information and the activists’ roles and relations, in addition to using topic modelling to explain the counterpublic’s narrative building mechanism." (Abstract)
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"Africa is a diverse and complex continent, consisting of 54 countries, 5 regions and about 2,000 languages. This report identifies what influences African youths' attitudes and decisions. It is based on a survey of 4,500 people, aged 18–35, in nine African countries: Egypt, Morocco, Ghana, Ivory
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Coast, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa and Zimbabwe. These nine countries act as proxy for the continent and provide evidence of a wide range of attitudes to the issues raised." (Page 2)
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"This article examines how and why Israeli journalists use their military service as a shield in response to online violence and digital hate. This practice, termed here the military-as-alibi strategy, is highly consequential. First, it excludes Israeli citizens who are exempt from military service
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(mostly Palestinian citizens of Israel and ultra-orthodox Jews). Second, it affirms the presumption that “good journalists” are not to be measured by their reporting, but rather by external loyalty tests that allegedly demonstrate their commitment to the national cause. Drawing on analyses of interviews with 20 Israeli journalists, media coverage and social media content, this article frames the military-as-alibi strategy within the local context of a militarised society, but also as part of journalists’ global struggle to win the hearts of their audiences in challenging times. Building on Tuchman (1972), the article labels journalists’ references to their military backgrounds as a strategic ritual of loyalty. The article proposes an alternative strategy to counter anti-press attacks: if journalism is indeed a public good (Pickard 2019), then “good journalism” should be considered “good citizenship”. This approach could free journalists from surrendering to nationalist loyalty tests, and lay better foundations for journalists–audiences relationships in the future." (Abstract)
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"Based on interviews with Syrian media practitioners, this article uses the notion of affective proximity to make sense of local media practitioners’ reporting and witnessing of suffering in their country and community. I argue that the life-risking, and sometimes deadly, media practices of local
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reporters and witnesses, as well as their emotional labour, often do not feature in understandings of journalism when it is conceived as a purely professional discursive pursuit. I explain affective proximity in terms of an imagined space (or the lack thereof) between a media practitioner, on the one hand, and the event they are representing and participating in, on the other. In relation to Syria, I use it to analyse the word ‘revolution’ and what it mediates, the shifting boundaries between activism and journalism, and experiences of, and in, violence. I make the case that the study of affect and emotion in global news should be contextualized within the unequal power relations that give shape to journalistic roles and modes of representaiton." (Abstract)
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"This article analyses the dangers and threats faced by Syrian journalists covering the conflict since the pro-democracy protests erupted in March 2011. While most Western research on the Syrian Revolution has focused on the working difficulties faced by correspondents, parachutists or foreign freel
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ancers, this article scrutinizes the working conditions for Syrian content providers. Syrian journalists' testimonials of fear and their perception of danger and vulnerability provide a humanistic lens not only on the scope of what revolution and war mean to many who have lived it and been transformed by it, but also on the reality of informing in dangerous contexts. The study contemplates the practitioners' working risks and perceptions of fear and threats, as well as their personal security measurements. The characterization of fear during the militarization of the rebellion as a semi-normalized way of life, suggested by Pearlman's article, 'Narratives of fear in Syria' (2016), allows the authors to place their study in a conceptual frame. The implementation of a survey answered by 82 Syrian journalists was complemented by semi-structured interviews with a selected group of 12 participants. In a context in which 86.6 percent of the respondents had colleagues who had died while working, the findings illustrate that Syrian reporters and media activists perceive their work as extremely dangerous. In the perception of fear, the adoption of personal safety measures by practitioners does not always contribute to decreasing it; the trauma experience can act both as a paralysing and empowering working factor." (Abstract)
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"Background: A current need in journalistic frontline work is to understand the potential psychological and physical traumatic consequences that may result from on-duty appointments. Journalists are active in frontline zones to report on conflicts, crises, and natural disasters. In the Middle East a
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nd North Africa (MENA) region, reporters are not equipped or trained mentally or emotionally to handle stressful events. Most journalists suffer from certain degrees of post-traumatic mental and physical disorders associated with their frontline duties.
Objective: The objective of this exploratory study is to provide comprehensive insights into challenges faced by journalists reporting in conflict zones in the MENA region.
Methods: This research study is based on a qualitative research approach where data was collected by directly interviewing eight journalists who have covered frontline conflicts and disasters in the MENA region. The collected qualitative data was analysed by conducting a thematic analysis to appreciate emerging categories. The ontology of critical realism was adopted to recognise the real feelings and experiences of the responding journalists.
Results: This original study presents six themes emerging from the data and researcher triangulation. The health and social issues in MENA are found to be most critical for high-risk reporting. Conclusion: Amidst the psychological and physical problems, all journalists did not give up their jobs or ask for privileges. Media houses could consider a more robust training plan based on health and safety to prepare these journalists." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates the effects of exposure to news frames on attitudes toward Syrian refugee admissions and anti-immigrant sentiment. Findings show that framing Syrian refugees, ranging from benefits, victims to a security threat did invoke changes of attitudes toward admitting Syrian refugees
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. Participants reading a benefit frame story expressed more favorable opinions on accepting Syrian refugees than participants in the threat frame condition. In contrast to the extant literature, arguing victim frame enhances positive attitudes, the findings suggested that participants, who were exposed to a victim frame story yielded stronger anti-immigrant sentiment than participants who read a threat frame story. These findings advance scholarship on media framing of refugees and its effect on anti-immigrant sentiment and have important refugee admission policy and advocacy implications." (Abstract)
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