"Medien und Religionen: ein brisantes Thema, das bisher nur unzureichend bearbeitet ist. Dabei ist spätestens seit dem 11. September 2001, seit den heftigen Auseinandersetzungen um die Mohammed-Karikaturen und dem Streit um das provokante Buch von Thilo Sarrazin deutlich, wie sehr Bilder und Videos
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in Fernsehen und Internet, Zeitungsnachrichten und nicht zuletzt sensationell aufgemachte Bücher die Vorstellungen der Religionen und Kulturen voneinander mitbestimmen. Es ist häufig ein sehr problematisches und einseitiges Bild, das da medial vermittelt wird. Zum anderen haben die Religionen von jeher mit Medien, mit Bildern, Klängen, Schriften und Symbolen zu tun. Sie haben lange und reiche Traditionen im Ringen um einen menschenfreundlichen, lebensförderlichen Umgang mit Medien in einem weiten Sinn. Insofern lassen sich von den Religionen auch Impulse für die Humanisierung unserer Medienkultur erwarten. Beide Perspektiven wurden auf dem X. Nürnberger Forum verfolgt und in ihren Konsequenzen für religiöse und kulturelle Bildung bedacht. Expertinnen und Experten aus Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, Human- und Sozialwissenschaften, allgemeiner Pädagogik, Medienpädagogik und Religionspädagogik, aus Politik und öffentlichen Medien, aus Europa, Amerika, Afrika und Asien und aus allen großen Religionstraditionen referierten und diskutierten zu den vier Themenbereichen - Die Darstellung der Religionen in den öffentlichen Medien - Bilderverbot/Bilderkult: Das Bild und andere Medien in ihrer Bedeutung für die Religionen - Medienethik im Kontext religiöser Pluralität - Medien und interreligiöses / interkulturelles Lernen. In einem ergänzenden Symposium wurden – basierend auf dem Nürnberg-Rostocker Forschungsprojekt „Die Darstellung des Christentums in Schulbüchern islamisch geprägter Länder“ – Standards für interreligiöse Schulbuchforschung und -entwicklung erarbeitet, die Autorenteams, Verlagen und Kultusbehörden weitergegeben werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Turkey has made important reforms over the past decade and the military’s influence on the media is now much less. Genuine progress has been made but a legislative straitjacket continues to stifle journalists. Reporting of some topics is still routinely punished by the courts. Journalists are arr
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ested and tried for doing their job or expressing an opinion, their documents seized and their sources tracked down. This is especially happening in the present fierce struggle for control of all state institutions." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative instances (case studies) from around the world, with real-life examples of citizens coming together to speak up against corruption and social norms vis-
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-vis corruption or to change public services affected by corrupt practices. This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the collated case studies, which is intended to shed light on practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have been successful in bringing citizens together to stand against the daunting phenomenon of corruption." (Page 1)
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"This chapter examines whether training Turkish journalists using online training modules offered by the BBC, increased their awareness of ethical editorial issues. It also discusses the potential, as well as the obstacles, for establishing more democratic forms of journalism. The chapter begins by
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providing context to the discussion of journalism training by exploring the outline features of the media system and professionalization in the Turkish setting [...] Ethical guidelines may not be a magical solution in themselves, since political culture and political economic structure are important, but at least they can encourage debate and increase journalists' self-awareness. It is difficult to assess what the specific short-term impact of the project has been, but it is possible to say that the process in which I participated reminded me once again how important it is to be self-reflectiv.e and also to analyze our working principles and practices." (Pages 112-128)
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"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss
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ues in local public opinion should we be addressing; who should we engage; how can we best engage them; and how well are the programs working? This is an ongoing process at every field post, involving local staff and constant attention to contacts. The studies in this book focus on field operations during one period of time, broadly from the end of the Bush administration to the early Obama administration, so comparisons can be made between them to determine which practices are common and which are unique [...] The first chapters in this book offer analyses of public diplomacy operations in specific countries in Europe, Africa, Southwest Asia, and Asia. Four other chapters focus directly on the specific question being asked by practitioners and scholars today: What is the role of the new media in public diplomacy? Two chapters present findings that advance our understanding of the role of the private sector, and the parallel roles of the State Department and the Peace Corps. The final chapter summarizes best practices from recent field experiences." (Preface, page x)
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"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent
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report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract)
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"Die Medienbeziehungen zwischen der Türkei und Deutschland stehen alles andere als still. Vielmehr haben sie sich seit Mitte der neunziger Jahre des letzten Jahrhunderts drastisch verändert. Das Verhältnis der beiden Länder zueinander hat sich inzwischen derartig verdichtet, daß bei Medienberic
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hten nicht länger klar unterschieden werden kann, ob deutsche Innen- oder deutsche Außen- resp. türkische Innenoder Außenpolitik davon betroffen ist. Für die Entwicklung türkischer Medien innerhalb von Deutschland zeichnen sich mehrere Szenarien gleichzeitig ab: Zunahme von Medien von in Deutschland lebenden Türken, Bedeutungsverlust von aus der Türkei stammenden Medien und verschiedenartige sprachliche Formen (türkisch, deutsch, bi-lingual). Auch die deutsche Berichterstattung über türkische Migranten wird sich sehr unterschiedlich gestalten: Es wird genauso eine Zunahme von Toleranz und Empathie wie eine Zunahme von Rassismus nach dem Medienevent „Sarrazin“ geben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Since Turkey became a candidate for the European Union in 1999, democratic rights and freedom of expression have been key issues in discourses surrounding EU—Turkey relations. Discussions on these questions often centre on state censorship and legislative constraints. The role of the media themse
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lves, however, and the deeply-ingrained elements and historically-contingent norms and practices within public culture that shape the public sphere, have received a significantly lower level of attention. Despite recent legislative changes towards greater freedom of expression, major hurdles that limit democratic rights and freedoms persist in practice, as highlighted by the judicial trial (and the subsequent murder in January 2007) of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink. The police raid of Nokta magazine in 2007 is another case in point. The purpose of this article is to discuss current questions related with freedom of expression and tolerance of diversity in the Turkish media based on in-depth interviews with journalists and with the Dink and Nokta cases as examples; and to offer critical reflections on the public sphere in Turkey in its current state." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates Pope Benedict’s visit to Turkey as a global media event. The presentation includes the interaction between the global and the local in mass communication studies. The argument is that this visit makes visible some contradictions such as: East/West, EU/Turkey, Christian/Mus
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lim, Catholic/Orthodox. Before this trip, it was presupposed that these contradictions and stereotypes reinforced by the media were to set the agenda; however, it did not happen to be the case. Instead, the existing frames had been replaced by the new ones, which was called a frame shift in news reporting. The discourse method is used to prove this hypothesis. Data were collected during the trip and the visual materials helped in building our theoretical perspective. The aim is to observe the handling of this media event by Western press. Within this perspective, our sample had been formed by pioneering newspapers: Le Monde, Le Figaro, La Libération, The Guardian, The New York Times, Financial Times, Der Spiegel, BBC on-line and Time (magazine)." (Abstract)
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"The Handbook presents a comprehensive, integrative, and global view of what has been called the digital divide. Collecting an international collaboration of experts, this Handbook of Research offers policy makers, academicians, managers, and researchers a complete reference source to the interactio
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ns, evolutions, and policies developing within the field. The many academic areas covered in this publication include, but are not limited to: broadband access; digital divide framing and mapping; digital divide related to education; digital divide related to ethnicity; digital divide related to gender; digital literacy; e-government and the digital divide; evolution of the digital divide; inequalities of digital skills; regional differences in digital divide." (Publisher description)
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"This collective report examines the principal dimensions of media policy in 14 European countries (Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Italy, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey and the UK), probing into the historical forces, national traditions and distinct politi
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cal and socio-economic contexts in which media policies have emerged and developed. The analysis explores the main instruments for media regulation in the countries under study, and assesses the implications of the established media policy strategies for democratic politics. The country chapters follow a similar structure. Following a brief introduction, the analysis focuses on the media landscape of the countries under review, offering an overview of the national media market (the press, broadcast media, online media and news agencies), as well as a discussion of the status of the journalistic profession and media literacy. The third section presents the major actors involved in media policymaking and proceeds with a succinct presentation and explanation of the national regulatory framework for the media, focusing mainly on structural and content regulation. The final section provides a critical assessment of the principal issues and trends that characterise the media policies of the countries under study, together with an assessment of the degree to which they enable the media to feed the democratic process. The report also contains a chapter discussing the media-related initiatives of the European Union and the Council of Europe, focusing on the interventions that are of relevance and importance to the protection and promotion of media freedom and independence." (Introductory note, page 10)
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"Since Turkey became a candidate for the European Union in 1999, democratic rights and freedom of expression have been key issues in discourses surrounding EU—Turkey relations. Discussions on these questions often centre on state censorship and legislative constraints. The role of the media themse
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lves, however, and the deeply-ingrained elements and historically-contingent norms and practices within public culture that shape the public sphere, have received a significantly lower level of attention. Despite recent legislative changes towards greater freedom of expression, major hurdles that limit democratic rights and freedoms persist in practice, as highlighted by the judicial trial (and the subsequent murder in January 2007) of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink. The police raid of Nokta magazine in 2007 is another case in point. The purpose of this article is to discuss current questions related with freedom of expression and tolerance of diversity in the Turkish media based on in-depth interviews with journalists and with the Dink and Nokta cases as examples; and to offer critical reflections on the public sphere in Turkey in its current state." (Abstract)
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"Silence lies between forgetting and remembering. This book explores the ways in which different societies have constructed silences to enable men and women to survive and make sense of the catastrophic consequences of armed conflict. Using a range of disciplinary approaches, it examines the silence
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s that have followed violence in twentieth-century Europe, the Middle East and Africa. These essays show that silence is a powerful language of remembrance and commemoration and a cultural practice with its own rules. This broad-ranging book discloses the universality of silence in the ways we think about war through examples ranging from the Spanish Civil War and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the Armenian Genocide and South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Bringing together scholarship on varied practices in different cultures, this book breaks new ground in the vast literature on memory, and opens up new avenues of reflection and research on the lingering aftermath of war." (Publisher description)
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"Die türkischstämmigen Migranten neigen im Vergleich mit anderen Herkunftsgruppen am stärksten zur Nutzung muttersprachiger Medien. Für sie gibt es auch das größte entsprechende Angebot, besonders bei Fernsehen und Printmedien. Hingegen scheinen insbesondere Migranten aus dem ehemaligen Jugosl
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awien und aus Polen eine Affinität zu deutschsprachigen Medien zu haben. Allgemein ist jedoch die komplementäre Nutzung deutscher und muttersprachiger Medien verbreitet. Jüngere, in Deutschland geborene und besser gebildete Migranten mit guten deutschen Sprachkenntnissen neigen besonders stark zu diesem Muster oder sogar zur ausschließlichen Nutzung deutscher Medien. Demgegenüber nutzen ältere Migranten, im Ausland geborene Personen und solche mit geringerem Bildungsgrad häufiger Medienangebote in der Muttersprache. Deutsche und muttersprachige Medien haben unterschiedliche Funktionen, was am Beispiel des deutschen und türkischen Fernsehens deutlich wird: Deutsches Fernsehen wird vorwiegend zur Information genutzt, es wird als sachlich und kühl, aber auch als vertrauenswürdig empfunden. Türkisches Fernsehen hingegen dient eher Unterhaltungszwecken, aber auch der Information über Geschehnisse in der Türkei. Zudem hat es stärker soziale und emotionale Funktionen („Familienfernsehen“) und dient als Brücke zum Herkunftsland, wodurch es auch für die jüngere Generation attraktiv bleibt." (Zentrale Ergebnisse, Seite 5)
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"Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people ar
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e developing their political identities—including a transnational Muslim identity—online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as the book argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to this book, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states—including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan—are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan, and Tanzania and a comparative study of seventy-four countries with large Muslim populations, this book demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies." (Publisher description)
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"Internet censorship and surveillance becomes more sophisticated. The first-generation controls like China's "Great Firewall" are being replaced by techniques that include strategically timed distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, targeted malware, take-down notices and stringent terms-of-usa
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ge policies. Their aim is to shape and limit the national information environment. This publication reports on these new trends and their implications for the global internet commons. In addition, it offers 32 detailed country profiles on internet surveillance from the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Middle East and North Africa, Asia and Europe." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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