"In their postwar, postindependence, and post-Soviet moments, why did two neighbors, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, who share cultural, linguistic, and historical similarities, take radically divergent paths in the development of their mass media, public sphere, and democracy? In this article, I argue
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against the popular sentiment that the reason for their striking post-9/11 disparities—namely Afghanistan’s relatively open and diverse media environment and Tajikistan’s repressive media regime—is that Afghanistan remains under the purview of influence and development aid of the United States and, conversely, Tajikistan is still under Russian control. Using case examples from my fieldwork in both countries, I demonstrate that the fact that Afghanistan is not unilaterally under the influence of U.S. aid is precisely why Afghanistan has not yet fallen down the slippery slope of commercialization, and its media world remains vibrant and viable, albeit fragile." (Abstract)
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"This study draws from scholarship in framing theory and mediated collective memories for the analysis of the adoption of official narratives of US President Donald Trump’s Afghanistan policy as ready-made news frames by Afghanistan’s Tolo TV’s popular current affairs program as Tawde Khabare
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(Hot Talks). Collected through purposive sampling technique, a comparative qualitative analysis of selected programs of Tawde Khabare and the text of President Trump’s Afghanistan policy suggests that the post-Taliban US-established Afghan media system has largely adopted and borrowed ready-made news frames and official narratives disseminated by the US government to domestic and global media. The ffindings suggest further that official frames of Donald Trump’s Afghanistan policy received greater acceptability in the Tolo TV coverage of the concerned issue. The study has raised several questions regarding the credibility of the post-Taliban Afghan media system and as do similar systems in other post-conflict societies established though the financial and technical help of the US and allied states after 9/11." (Abstract)
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"Countries emerging from violent conflict face difficult challenges about what the role of media should be in political transitions, particularly when attempting to build a new state and balance a difficult legacy. Media, Conflict, and the State in Africa discusses how ideas, institutions and intere
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sts have shaped media systems in some of Africa's most complex state and nation-building projects. This timely book comes at a turbulent moment in global politics as waves of populist protests gain traction, and concerns continue to grow about fake news, social media echo chambers, and the increasing role of both traditional and new media in waging wars or influencing elections. Focusing on comparative cases from a historical perspective and the choices and ideas that informed the approaches of some of Africa's leaders, including guerrilla commanders Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Nicole Stremlau offers a unique political insight into the development of contemporary media systems in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Pretty Liar" explores the rise of language and gender politics on Lebanese television to tell the untold story of the co-evolution of Lebanese television and its audiences and how the civil war of 1975-1991 affected that co-evolution. The shift in public interest in television has been widely ackno
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wledged and interpreted within an institutional context as a victory of the neo-liberal entrepreneurship of a new, agile brand over the government inefficiency of Lebanon's national station, Télé Liban. Yet, the role of the Lebanese Civil War in reshaping national television and broadcasting in Arab media following the emergence of the Lebanese Broadcasting Company in 1985 has been unexplored. Based on empirical data and grounded in theory by Arab and global researchers, "Pretty Liar" offers textual analyses of five Lebanese fictional series, three major and several additional periodicals, and nine literary works, and provides context from unscripted interviews with television administrators, anchors, actors, and freelance contributors, print journalists, and audience members. Khazaal seeks to offer new insight into how entertainment television became a site for politics and political resistance, feminism, and the cradle for post-war Lebanon due to the shift in practices and standards of legitimacy." (Publisher description)
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"Esta investigación tiene como objetivo determinar los alcances y las limitaciones que tienen las organizaciones de prensa colombianas al momento de preparar a los periodistas para cubrir y afrontar el proceso de posconflicto, derivado del Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Const
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rucción de una Paz Estable y Duradera firmados entre el Gobierno Nacional y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FARC. Por lo tanto, analiza las acciones llevadas a cabo por las organizaciones de prensa dirigidas a afrontar este nuevo escenario y a la vez estudia la percepción de algunos periodistas del país frente a estas acciones. Con esto en mente, se hizo una comparación entre dichas acciones y las percepciones de los comunicadores para comprender hasta dónde puede llegar el trabajo de las organizaciones de prensa, los vacíos existentes, los retos y las metas que tienen para afrontar el posconflicto." (Resumen)
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"This study reveals that news briefs are the most commonly found type of pieces published in the emerging Syrian media sector. Together, news briefs, news reports and feature stories constitute 90 percent of what was published during the monitoring period. Investigative reports were very rare. News
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briefs were not only the most common in news agencies and electronic newspapers but also in a large number of online and print magazines. Military and field developments as well as political issues were the most frequent topics that the Syrian media covered. Services and infrastructure, social, and rights-related topics had limited coverage in the Syrian media during the monitoring period. The issue of refugees also had limited coverage in the articles and reports published by the Syrian media during the monitoring period. One of the main structural weaknesses in Syrian media outlets is the very low number of sources that are citied in news briefs, news reports and feature stories – the overall average number of sources was less than one per article." (Findings and recommendations, page 43)
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"Nadia Sraieb-Koepp shares her experiences designing participatory media campaigns and visual strategies that helped facilitate the democratic transition in Tunisia in 2011. She offers her thoughts about the need for inclusive social media strategies designed to counter recruitment messages targetin
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g youth by violent extremists." (Introduction to part 5, page 241)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi
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ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, page 6)
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"Political parties do not exist in Iran. In this situation the media, particularly the newspapers, have assumed a central role in the political life of the country." (Publisher description)
"Using aggregate-level data, this study compares instances of intrastate political conflict that occurred in both nonviolent and violent forms. Specifically, analyses presented in this study examine the relationships that exist between diffusion rates of emerging media and enhanced press freedoms in
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countries that experienced differing types of conflicts from 1990 through 2006. Through a series of analytic models, the results observed here indicate that higher levels of emerging media and press freedoms are better predictors of nonviolent—as opposed to violent—conflict. Findings from this study thus bridge an important gap in the literature between communication and political science research in establishing linkages between emerging media technologies and press freedoms and their interconnections with nonviolent and violent political conflict. Implications for related interdisciplinary fields are discussed." (Abstract)
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"To support joint efforts to protect journalism, there is a growing need for research-based knowledge. Acknowledging this need, the aim of this publication is to highlight and fuel journalist safety as a field of research, to encourage worldwide participation, as well as to inspire further dialogues
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and new research initiatives. The contributions represent diverse perspectives on both empirical and theoretical research and offer many quantitatively and qualitatively informed insights. The articles demonstrate that a new important interdisciplinary research field is in fact emerging, and that the fundamental issue remains identical: Violence and threats against journalists constitute an attack on freedom of expression." (Back cover)
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"This paper explores the role of digital and traditional media in shaping formal and informal leaders’ interactions with their own constituencies and a broader audience, by both advancing their messages and narratives and manoeuvring to steer a specific political agenda. It specifically considers
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the role of power, leadership and strategic communications in both exacerbating and mitigating violent conflict in emerging democracies. By weaving together strands of the political science scholarship on political communication and political settlement, while engaging with concepts of hybrid governance and leadership, we attempt to knit a framework that challenges normative assumptions on institutional communicative practices. By bringing together these disparate strands of scholarship that are rarely in dialogue, we question a characterisation that often contrasts vertical mainstream media with more horizontal and inclusive social media, arguing that a more nuanced view of the political significance of both spaces of communication is required, and one that highlights their interplay and blurs the boundaries between online and offline, and in doing so refocuses on the notion of power, placing it at the centre of analysis, to examine how entrenched relations of patronage can be let unscathed, transformed or even reinforced by networked forms of communication." (Executive summary)
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"In Zeiten kriegerischer Konflikte spielt das Radio insbesondere in abgelegenen Regionen eine oft wichtige Rolle - sowohl bei gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzungen als auch angesichts autoritärer Herrschaft. Aber auch die Arbeit mit dem Medium Radio in friedensfördernder Absicht hat ihre Fallstricke. D
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ie Fondation Hirondelle unterstützt seit 1995 in dieser Absicht zahlreiche Radioprogramme sowie Sender in 15 Ländern. Sie beruft sich auf Artikel 19 der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte - auf das Recht auf freie Meinungsäußerung und das Informationsrecht. Wir sprachen mit Jean-Marie Etter, dem Gründer, über die Aufgaben und Risiken eines Radiosenders inmitten kriegerischer Atmosphäre." (Einleitung)
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"Part I: Context” describes the information and media landscape in South Sudan and the value of Humanitarian Radio as a tool for communicating with communities in a broad range of humanitarian scenarios. It also discusses how Humanitarian Radio promotes accountability and transparency for humanita
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rian agencies responding to crises. “Part II. Case Study” focuses on two Humanitarian Radio stations: Nile FM in the UN PoC in Malakal, and Jamjang FM in the Ajoung Thok refugee camp. The case studies also cover challenges and lessons learned in order to offer recommendations for future Humanitarian Radio projects." (Page 3)
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"In this article, I seek to inform Peace Journalism (PJ) education and training in conflict-affected countries in particular. Based on a case study of the professional experiences of Afghan photojournalists, I offer insights into the acceptability and adoptability of PJ practice by journalists from
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conflict-affected countries. I present six key findings of a larger study on Afghan photojournalists in this article and discuss the lessons they hold for PJ training in conflict-affected countries." (Abstract)
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