"Changes have been gradual but the watershed was 1992/4 when the airwaves were liberalised, leading to the mushrooming of media institutions especially in the broadcasting area. In the past five years, the media in Uganda has become more vibrant, more liberated and there has been more freedom of exp
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ression overall. Opening up of media space led to the proliferation of private newspapers, private radio stations and private television stations, and the introduction and eager embrace of the Internet and mobile phones by many people. The horizon of news reporting has been widened to cover East Africa and the Great Lakes Region. There has been more diversity in what the media is reporting. The media has acquired prominence as one of the four pillars of governance. Investigative journalism has been improved, but there are many draconian laws on the books. Some are active but others lie dormant and may be activated at any time. There is a recognition by the media that there is a need to move their relations with government to a level that is more professional and more engaging, rather than accusing the latter simply of control and denial of access. More people are using the media as a tool for advocacy and development. Communities now actively participate in, and influence media programmes by contributing ideas." (Summary & conclusions, page 61)
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"The media sector has changed in recent years, mostly for the better, through the following media development processes: the 1990 Decree on the liberalisation of the broadcast sector to allow private entrants; significant increase in private radio and television, although licensing is still problema
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tic; seminars and training workshops for Cameroonian journalists supported by the donor community; introduction of a state subsidy system for private media houses, though the number and amount of such subsidies is still small; and, management change at the state television CRTV, with a new General Manager replacing one who had been in the position for 16 years." (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The most relevant changes that occurred during the past five years in Sierra Leone are the results of democracy (free and fair elections in 2002) and establishing the Independent Media Commission Act (IMC) of 2000 to help deregulate the formation of new media outlets. The resilience of media practi
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tioners and others fighting for press freedom led to some of the changes. Financial support from external partners also opened up the media and helped to develop the sector. Training, repealing anti-media laws, supporting an open media market, making information communication technology (ICT) available, deregulation and civil society cooperation with media practitioners are key issues. Media development initiatives over the past five years have been remarkable. Interviewees were upbeat about future progress." (Summary & conclusions, page 69)
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"While acknowledging that the situation is not entirely ideal, most of the interviewees believed a lot has been achieved in terms of the development of the media in Mozambique over the past five years. This was mainly due to relatively stable political conditions, underpinned by a liberal constituti
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on that enshrines media freedom and the freedom of expression as fundamental rights. In as far as press freedom is concerned, the Constitution is complemented by a Press Law that the interviewees in general considered to be fair, balanced and progressive, allowing for a diversity of views that play an important role in shaping public opinion. An informed public opinion is key for a political system that is deeply rooted in the people, and is in turn the basic condition for long-term stability, which in itself leads to sustainable social well-being and economic prosperity. It was interesting to note from the interviews that there is a general awareness of the important role of the mass media in Mozambique’s development process, and in the consolidation of the country’s nascent democracy. Despite this awareness, however, and although there is understanding of the need to develop the media, the issue has not been fully exploited either by government or by the donors. (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The media sector in Ghana has witnessed some dramatic, positive changes over the past few years, made possible by the promulgation of the 1992 democratic Constitution and the election in 2000 of President Kufuor’s government. All interviewees agreed that democratisation and the repeal of the Crim
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inal Libel Law have been the most important changes for the media sector, allowing for an explosion in the number of media houses in Ghana. Training was identified as the single most important media development initiative in the individual interviewees’ areas of work." (Summary & conclusions, page 57)
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"Relevant changes in Angolan media were noticed in the press. Newspapers grew the most radios grew some, but TV did not grow at all. There are few new media development initiatives known in Angola. The greatest initiative, though still not in effect, is the new Media Law. The growth of the Sindicato
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dos Jornalistas de Angola (SJA) has seen the election of new management and the organisation has become very active in empowering journalists and defending their rights." (Summary & conclusions, page 47)
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"Overall, South Africa has a relatively vibrant and developing media environment. The 15 interviewees were involved in 37 media development initiatives between them. These development initiatives comprise the following: 12 training initiatives; nine advocacy initiatives; five research initiatives; t
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hree training media initiatives; two legal support initiatives; one award initiative; one grant making initiative; one conference; and, one revenue stream generation initiative [...] Through their experiences of designing, implementing and evaluating their media development initiatives, interviewees offer the following learning points regarding success. They stress the importance of strategic and long-term planning, of working with partners where possible, avoiding dependency on donors and taking the cultural context into account [...] Interviewees praised media development initiative donors for starting to seek advice about the real needs on the ground. However, interviewees feel that donors are falling short in the following ways: the withdrawal of funding from South Africa; the duplication of initiatives; conducting the wrong training; only providing short-term funding; being too prescriptive; and, not providing for core costs. According to the participating media professionals, the strategic priorities for media development are media management training, community participation, specialised reporting training and media monitoring." (Summary & conclusions, page 99-100)
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"The changes are mostly of a quantitative nature: proliferation of newspaper publications, an increase in the number of frequencies attributed to radio stations (commercial and community stations). Greater superficiality in the editorial lines of most newspaper publications has also been noted. The
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key projects examined included those run by: Panos Institute West Africa ALTERCOM; the Media Centre of Dakar; Génération TV and SYNPICS. Funding is one of the main weaknesses of the media sector of Senegal. The press support fund is very low. Funding of media activities is handled mostly by a few foundations, such as the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, and a few NGOs, such as OSIWA. Evaluation of media activities is a real problem in Senegal. The culture of evaluation is obviously missing in the endeavours of most of the organisations approached in this research. Actors are conscious of the problem and are developing initiatives to solve it. There are few exceptions to this rule, especially for those who believe that there is no progress without evaluation. Beyond financing matters, the success or lack of success of media development activities can be explained by state obstacles to the development of the media, training, professionalism and self-regulation, decriminalising press offences, media evaluation, and the involvement local of groups in community radio." (Summary & conclusions, page 68)
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"El presente documento contiene la síntesis de una aproximación a la situación actual de los medios informativos y de los periodistas en Colombia, así como una caracterización de los trabajos que se han adelantado en el país en los últimos cinco años orientados a fortalecer el sector y que h
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an contado con la vinculación de donantes, organizaciones nacionales e internacionales y los propios medios de comunicación. La óptica bajo la que se desarrolla el estudio es la de proporcionar una serie de elementos que contribuyan al proceso de construcción de una estrategia coordinada, innovadora y de largo plazo, para definir un plan de acción que logre conjugar intereses comunes sobre líneas que se detectan como prioritarias y estratégicas. El estudio fue hecho para International Media Support, Reporteros Sin Fronteras Suecia y el Proyecto Antonio Nariño en el marco de la convocatoria que han realizado estas tres organizaciones del encuentro internacional Hacia nuevas estrategias de apoyo al periodismo y a los medios de comunicación en Colombia, que se realizará en Bogotá el 25 y 26 de septiembre de 2006." (Introducción, página 1)
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"This dissertation examines international aid in support of Afghan media from fall 2001 to fall 2004 as a case study to interrogate the notion of “media transition” and its underlying assumptions. It examines how development organizations such as the United Nations, bilateral aid agencies such a
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s the U.S. Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies created the institutional structures that define and support the practice of media transition. It analyzes how the nascent Afghan state media institutions and non-governmental organizations dedicated to media reconstruction negotiated and mobilized the discourse of media transition to further their own aims. It also analyzes how changing political considerations, media production and dissemination outlets, and media producers’ own sense of mission affected the production of a series of radio programs designed to promote Afghan political transition. This dissertation argues that democracy should not be treated as a self-evident goal for media transitions, but should be viewed as a discursive process that shares many of the same concerns as development communications, and that mobilizes a transnational public sphere." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the impact of the international media assistance on the democratization of the press in Ukraine. Ukrainian government has been notorious for years for the suppression of the press and for censoring the content of the nation's media. Vital issues of the country, such as corruptio
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n, political and economic reforms, and opposition actions, have been ignored by the media because of the censorship. This study examines how Ukrainian online publications supported by the international donors differ from the unsupported media. Textual analyses shows that the supported online publications practice fair journalism and do not practice self-censorship, unlike the unsupported media that are under the governmental control." (Abstract)
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"This is a brief overview of international assistance to media development in Iraq from the time of the invasion in 2003 to the formation of the Iraqi government and first weeks of the constitutional process in April-May 2005. This paper does not claim to give an exhaustive picture. It is meant as a
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n introduction to the main foreign actors and to some of their initiatives and plans. It is written with the clear premise that media development in Iraq has been, is and should of course continue to be led and inspired by the Iraqis themselves." (Introduction)
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"This report outlines the findings and conclusions derived from the assessment mission undertaken by the ‘Partnership for Media and Conflict Prevention in West Africa’ to Liberia in December 2003. This mission brought together the expertise of a number of the national, regional and international
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media development and freedom of expression actors. The report seeks to layout collaborative approaches for supporting the media during the immediate and longer-term transition periods, both in terms of overcoming obstacles and developing capacities and resources, as well as contributing towards the creation of lasting peace, stability and democracy." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"USAID’s assistance to the media sector, implemented through the International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX), directly contributed to the creation and continued functioning of two Kosovo-wide independent television stations, the terrestrial transmission network, and the news agency KosovaLiv
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e. Continued high levels of effort focused on TV21 and KTV, however, have overshadowed other important aspects of its Kosovo Independent Media Program (KIMP). This also created a continuing sense of entitlement by the larger recipients that has negated, to a large extent, IREX efforts to help them become self-sufficient and to improve the quality of their product. With the significant reduction in funding expected by USAID/Kosovo to implement its 2004-2008 strategy, the Assessment Team recommends that USAID refocus its assistance on strengthening the media as an integral system¾one that provides timely and quality information to citizens and which fulfills the media’s critical watchdog role." (Executive summary, pages iv-v)
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"Serbian media assistance programs reflect two approaches to media development. Though they occasionally created friction, the differing approaches produced positive results. The goal of USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI) was to fund programs and media outlets that could dissemin
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ate messages pushing immediate political change. USAID/OTI characterized its activities as “pushing the reform agenda.” This approach contrasted with but complemented that of USAID’s Bureau for Europe and Eurasia (USAID/E&E), which supported long-term, sustainable media development projects. While USAID/E&E’s projects contributed to the short-term goal of regime change in Serbia, they were also designed to aid the democratic transition that followed. Despite—or perhaps because of—this dynamic tension, the overall USAID program was very successful. Democratic elements in Serbia received— and still have—the media tools to effect democratic change. NGOs, media outlets, and democratic activists also received the topical programs and emergency infusions funded by USAID/OTI and USAID/E&E. Two years after the fall of Milosevic, personnel and basic media infrastructure remain in place to serve the ongoing democratic transition and broaden coverage of issues in public discourse." (Executive summary, page xi-xii)
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"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
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llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
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"This document contains reports written by Media Working groups in nine countries in November 2003. The reports describe the media landscape and provide information on media legislation, journalistic professionalism, media associations and donor activities. The sections on the media landscape provid
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e a quick picture of the media in South Eastern Europe today: a high number of media outlets but far fewer sustainable and genuinely independent ones, virtually no direct governmental control but remaining influence in several key areas and a generally difficult transformation process of former state broadcasters. The information on media legislation reveals both progress and remaining difficulties. Defamation laws are strict, usually not in line with European standards and regularly abused, leading to many pending court cases and high fines. Access to Information laws are adopted in five countries, but implementation is problematic. Broadcast legislation is frequently debated and revised, regulatory bodies are insufficiently independent and public broadcasters require additional safeguarding against political influence. Professionalism is a concern. By no means only due to a lack of training, of which there has been a lot in the past years, but particularly due to structural problems. Journalists often work without proper contracts, affecting their position. They are generally low-paid and skilled people leave the profession. Young and cheap employees, sometimes preferred by owners, do not feel in a position to oppose influence on editorial policy. Lack of resources impact on quality, as there is little or no money for investigative reporting or domestic production of quality television programs. And in several cases, links between media owners and political parties affect the editorial independence. Media associations and watchdog organizations have proven tremendously important in defending press freedom and promoting quality. Several countries have seen the growth of professional and respected institutions, while in others the associations are divided, small and have limited credibility among journalists. Effective unions are generally lacking, training institutions have improved with outside support and press freedom organizations have increased strength and influence but are seeking sustainability. Finally, brief information is provided on donor assistance – much more is available in the Overview on support to the media in SEE, also prepared by the Media Task Force. Overall, outside assistance has made a great and positive difference in improving the diversity, quality and sustainability of the media. Suggestions for future support include the further strengthening of associations, in-house training rather than seminars, work on drafting and implementing media legislation (e.g. revising defamation clauses) and support to investigative journalism and domestic television production." (Overview, page 2)
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