"Although television is still the number one media for Ukrainians, it continues to lose its audience share. The positions taken by other traditional media (e.g. radio, print) remain stable. The growth in the size of the online population has stagnated and the number of internet users and those getti
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ng news from social networks has decreased, which could have been caused by restrictions to access to popular social networks and websites in Ukraine (e.g. VKontakte, Odnoklassniki). The share of passive media audience is increasing - over a one month period, a higher number of people did not use media to obtain news. This is especially true when it comes to younger audiences." (Key findings, page 5)
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"This article examines the sociohistorical role of radio broadcasting in Afghanistan and analyses the interplay between the radio choices of the audience, political change and conflict. Though never explicitly trusted as a credible information source, the popularity of national radio in Afghanistan
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was critically weakened following the Communist revolution of 1978 and subsequent abuse of broadcasting under successive Afghan Communist regimes. Analysis highlights how the audience's thirst for unbiased information resulted in a substantial majority turning to the BBC World Service, this international service being perceived as a far more trustworthy and credible alternative. Discussion of the social history of Radio Afghanistan, the Taliban's Voice of Radio Shari'at and the BBC World Service serves to highlight the propagandist media machinery of the Communist era, the radical media policies of the Taliban regime and the value attributed to the BBC's current news reporting. In an example of the global becoming the local, the article concludes by examining how the BBC World Service has become the dominant radio broadcaster in Afghanistan and the extent to which this position is based on the quality of their outputs or their self-promotional discourses concerning impartiality." (Abstract)
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"Russian speakers in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania rank Kremlin-backed media as the least trustworthy among international, Russian Federation and domestic news sources, according to research presented by the Broadcasting Board of Governors. In addition, only those survey respondents who considered R
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ussian-backed media to be credible showed a majority support for President Vladimir Putin’s domestic and international policies. In the three Baltic nations and Moldova, consuming Russian-backed media did not correlate with support for Russia’s policies. The BBG data found that domestic media ranked first in trustworthiness in Estonia (80 percent) and Latvia (79 percent). International media took first in Lithuania (74 percent) and in Moldova there was a statistical tie between international media (45 percent), Russian-backed media (42 percent) and domestic media (42 percent)." (BBG website)
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"The Internews annual media consumption survey shows more Ukrainians searching for news online and fewer getting their news from television. Trust in Ukrainian online media is also up, matching the trend in greater consumption. The survey also shows that Ukrainians are consuming Russian media far le
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ss than they did last year, and that trust in Russian media continues to decline." (Internews website)
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"This study explored, by comparative thematic analysis, the conceptualization of trust in news media in Serbia, Macedonia, and Croatia - three countries of Eastern Europe where past oppressive regimes might have left a heritage of distrust in all institutions. The analysis of 61 in-depth interviews
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showed the coexistence of three connotations of trust: trust as faith in news media as expert systems, trust in journalistic selectivity (found in all three countries), and trust as confidence in news media (found only in the Serbian sample). The analysis of the interviews also indicated a possible new dimension of journalistic selectivity and showed that, when looking for the truth in media messages, Serbians, Macedonians, and Croatians relied more on themselves than on the trustworthiness of their news media systems. The implications of these results on the measurement of trust in news media and on the relationship of Eastern Europeans toward their news media systems are discussed in light of sociological theories of trust, as well as specific historical, social, and cultural circumstances in the region." (Abstract)
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"This article presents work done with youngsters from South Africa's poorest province, the Eastern Cape, in an effort to listen to their experience of politics and to understand their use of the media – especially whether it enables them to speak out and be heard in the public sphere. Our research
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shows that young people do not feel listened to by either politicians or journalists. Our conversations have revealed a strong sense of disempowerment, disillusionment with and distrust of both politics and the media. This has resulted in strategic and shrewd media consumption, and despite their invidious situation, they are able to articulate a critical appraisal of both politics and the media which is worth listening to." (Abstract)
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"The majority think their national media provide a diversity of views, but most say it is not free from political or commercial pressures. Two thirds of respondents (66%) agree that their national media provide a diversity of views and opinions, and the majority in all but one Member State agree (Gr
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eece is the only exception). More than four in ten EU citizens (44%) say the level of diversity of views and opinions in the national media are the same as it was five years ago, 29% think there is more diversity, while 18% say there is less. Almost four in ten respondents (38%) agree their national media provide information free from political or commercial pressure – the majority disagree (57%). There are only nine Member States where the majority agree. Just over a third of respondents agree their national public service media are free from political pressure (35%), but the majority (60%) disagree. Almost half (45%) think their national media are as free and independent as they were five years ago, while 18% say it is more free and independent, and 28% think it is less so. A small majority (53%) agree their national media provide trustworthy information, while 44% think it does not. In 19 Member States, the majority of respondents agree their national media provide trustworthy information. Radio is most likely to be considered reliable (66%), followed by television and newspapers (both 55%). Far fewer respondents consider social media to be reliable (32%). Radio is considered the most reliable media in 25 countries." (Key findings, page 4)
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"It is too often assumed anyone can communicate via the internet or share in the benefits of easily available newspapers and free-to-air television or radio; this is not always true. Lower internet penetration and mobile broadband access in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, for example, stand in sha
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rp contrast to that of the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar. The 2016 report brings some good news about a narrowing digital divide between these countries, along with significant gains in internet connectivity in every country studied except Tunisia, where internet access has stagnated since 2014. Six in 10 Egyptians now use the internet, considerably more than the share of Tunisians online, but just three in 10 Egyptians have access to, or choose to use, mobile broadband. It is ironic that the two countries most closely linked to the Arab uprisings—Tunisia, where the uprisings began and Egypt, the location of the most publicized revolution—are still struggling to be fully enfranchised into the digital age." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Only 8% of respondents stated that the media in Moldova exhibit, to a very large extent, a responsible behavior toward their audiences. The majority of respondents or 56% stated they were dissatisfied with the lack of responsibility of the national media. One in ten respondents considered him/herse
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lf very informed; another five in ten respondents are quite satisfied in terms of perceived level of information. Television is still the main source of social and political news in Moldova, with 65% of respondents citing it as the preferred source, followed by the Internet (websites) (24%), and the social networking sites and radio stations with 5% each. According to the study “Measuring the perceptions of sociopolitical news by the media audience in the Republic of Moldova”, realized in October 2015, information sources have their specific audiences. Television is preferred mostly by occupationally inactive people, aged over 45 years, with secondary and low levels of education. Young people, with higher levels of education, who are occupationally active, and live in municipalities show preference for getting information online." (Page 5)
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"Das große – inhaltlich aber sehr diffuse – Misstrauen der „Zweifler“ gegenüber etablierten Medien ist vermutlich nur die Spitze des Eisbergs für ein grundsätzliches Dilemma, vor dem Medienanbieter stehen: Ein allgemeines Unbehagen gegenüber Politik, Wirtschaft und anderen gesellschaftl
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ichen Eliten, das sich im Zuge der Krisen der vergangenen Jahre nun auch offensiv manifestiert. Dieses Unbehagen erfasst – da sie „als Teil des Systems“ wahrgenommen werden – auch die Medien. Der Eindruck, dass die Medien das Establishment stützen oder gar von ihm gelenkt werden, gibt diesem Dilemma weitere Nahrung. Hinzu kommt, dass Medien in ihrer Funktion als Übermittler von Nachrichten ebenso wie von Meinungen der Politik(er) und anderer gesellschaftlicher Eliten nicht selten in „Mithaftung“ genommen werden für die Inhalte, die sie übermitteln. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist auch die hohe Zustimmung zu der Einschätzung, dass in den Medien häufig absichtlich die Unwahrheit gesagt wird, zu werten." (Seite 37)
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"In Syria, television is the dominant media type with high usage and availability rates in all areas studied. Television is followed by online media, print media, and finally radio. Media aligned with the Syrian government are leading in government-controlled areas, and opposition-aligned media are
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leading in opposition areas. There are indications that media not clearly aligned with a particular camp have a following across the board. Pro-government and opposition audiences are deeply divided in their media following and in their perceptions about their communities. Being open to both media camps does not always translate into a stronger critical view of the media. Syrian audiences are confident that they are well-informed about the general geopolitical situation, but sometimes express less confidence that they are receiving adequate information regarding immediate local affairs." (Main findings, page 2)
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"This briefing explores some of the key challenges facing the Nepali media. It outlines growing concerns over politicisation and co-option, particularly of the mainstream Kathmandu-based media, as well as other economic and technological challenges facing the media. The briefing further outlines how
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Nepal’s historically diverse and decentralised media market is increasingly showing signs of fragmentation and discord. It also examines the role that the international development community has played in supporting the Nepali media. The briefing finds that for all the challenges outlined in this report, the media – both nationally and locally – continues to constitute one of the most important and effective mechanisms available to improve accountability. Despite rising threats to journalist safety and growing concerns over politicisation, the media remains most trusted institution in Nepal. The media provides both a growing problem for and a potentially vital solution to the challenges of social cohesion in the country. At present, there is not a sufficient advertising market to sustain a free and independent media that can both serve the public interest and withstand intense political pressures. Development actors are in a position to help to address this market failure if they invest in an independent, Nepali-rooted media that enables difficult and challenging debate to take place." (BBC Media Action website)
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"In 2014, competition in the Afghan media sector has increased in order to attract diminishing advertising revenue. This has led to increased professionalization and a certain degree of segmentation with the introduction of specialist, niche channels. The pace of development of new outlets has slowe
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d, reflecting the challenging environment, and increasing competition: There is now an average of three TV channels created each year as opposed to the average of nine in 2010. The programming scene looks much like that of 2010, filled with news programming, drama series, entertainment programs and political debate, with the exception of the introduction of a significant level of sports programming. Production remains split between national production of a number of key genres, with a high level of internationally procured series, and movies, done so by a variety of means, largely illegal. Whilst there is an increasing desire for internal production, financial, social and political constraints continue to make this difficult. Among media users in the sample, 62% turn their TV on, and 32% turn their radio on at some point during the day, compared to 63% and 39% respectively last year." (Executive summary)
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"7 de cada 10 peruanos confía en la radio, siendo el medio de comunicación con mayor credibilidad, por encima de la televisión e incluso que amigos o familiares." (Slide 2)
"Argues that renewed energy and resources should be invested in strategies that support media systems rooted in public service values of trust, independence, universality and putting the public interest before all others. Despite formidable challenges, support strategies should include a revitalised
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and more imaginative focus on supporting the reform of state broadcasters to help them become editorially and financially independent public service broadcasters." (Executive summary)
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"This article examines the Palestinians perceptions towards the role of Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV in providing a platform for open discussion and create an arena for different groups to communicate freely with each other. Focus groups with a range of participants, from university students and huma
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n rights activists, to journalists and non-governmental organization employees were deployed. The article argues that the two political factions are trying to manipulate the public and conceal information that affects their power. It provides an overview of comments, and views expressed by the participants during the focus group sessions in response to a set of questions. The key findings of the study were, in the view of many respondents, that the two television channels, Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV, were controlled by the two political parties – Fatah and Hamas, respectively and that this has compromised the media’s function to public participation." (Abstract)
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"59 percent of the population of Bulgaria do not consider the media to be independent. Many are undecided and only 17 percent believe reporting is free. The crisis of confidence in the media is continuing, according to a study on behalf of the KAS Media Program South East Europe. Citizens also feel
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they are inadequately informed by the politicians. 63 percent take a negative view of politicians’ public relations. A representative sample of 1,100 residents aged 18 and over was interviewed." (Page 1)
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"The Libyan security landscape is broadly divided into two camps: revolutionary-Islamist and institutionalist-conservative. The country’s resurgent media sector is split along similar lines. This polarization and related partistan reporting reinforce polarization among security sector actors and t
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he public and could further undermine established peace in Libya. Media narratives dominating Libya’s security sector revolve around three axes: whether actors are legal or illegal, whether they supported or opposed the 2011 revolution, and whether they are correct or deviant Muslims. Security actors use these narratives to build their legitimacy. Of the three channels monitored, Libya Al Ahrar was the most balanced but displayed a cautiously anti-Islamist, institutionalist agenda. Al Nabaa was mainstream Islamist and a staunch supporter of revolutionary units, such as the Libyan Shield Force. Libya Awalan was strongly anti-Islamist, conservative, and a vocal supporter of Haftar’s actions in Benghazi. Libyans have little trust in any of the main regional and Libyan national television channels, including the national broadcaster, Libya Al Wataniyah, which fares no better than the private channels." (Summary)
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