"This policy paper highlights significant threats to press freedom in Kenya despite legal protections and media development progress. These challenges encompass various aspects, including legal, political, economic, and internal issues within the media industry. Both civil society and the internatio
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nal community, usually key defenders of press freedom, have faced limitations in their efforts to protect the media from these diverse challenges. The political environment poses significant challenges, with the government and politicians showing little tolerance for press freedom. Troublingly, government officials, including high-ranking figures, have been involved in attacks on journalists, raising concerns due to their influential positions. The government‘s manipulation of advertising exacerbates the assault on media freedom, as advertising revenue is crucial for media sustainability. Financial stability is essential for countering external pressures. The financial strain on media organizations has worsened due to Covid-19-related austerity measures, resulting in staff cuts, wage reductions, and limitations on content development. This financial hardship has driven government officials, advertisers, and media owners to exert control over media content, leading to self-censorship in newsrooms. To address these challenges and promote media freedom in Kenya, civil society and the international community must reengage actively. Their advocacy and support can counterbalance the identified challenges. Implementing the recommendations outlined below is crucial to improving the media landscape in Kenya and protecting press freedom." (Conclusions, page 14)
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"Press Freedom and the (Crooked) Path Toward Democracy uses the perceptions of journalists in Rwanda, Uganda, and Kenya to examine mediascapes at varying stages of development and democracy-building—Rwanda, which experienced a genocide in 1994, is in relatively early (though fast-paced) stages of
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reconstruction; Uganda, which experienced a civil war in the 1980s and unrest in the 1990s, though arguably not to the extent of Rwanda’s genocide, can be considered in a middle stage of development; and Kenya, which has remained largely peaceful, can be understood as being in a more advanced stage of development. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork and a cross-national survey, this book provides an updated state of press freedom in these three countries and shows how a nation’s political and cultural intricacies complicate traditional media development frameworks and notions of press freedom. Much of the scholarship classifying global media systems has overlooked the world’s most developing nations, and among those that have included developing nations there exists a misguided premise that nations develop in a linear fashion—from non-democracy to democracy, and from a restricted press to a free press. In reality, the ebb and flow of political change, democratization, and backsliding calls for more historically informed views of media systems that do not fit into the confines of existing theories. A detailed set of considerations is put forth for understanding media systems outside the Western world; specifically, that each country’s distance from conflict, political benchmarks, international linkages, and civil society strength are central to understanding its degree of press freedom, development, and democratization." (Publisher description)
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"Journalists in Pakistan are losing their lives during the course of their duty. This study identifies the factors and actors behind the killings of Pakistani journalists and the role of stakeholders and media owners in compromising journalists’ safety, under the lens of social responsibility theo
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ry, by unearthing the case study of slain journalist Arshad Sharif. This study looks into the complete picture of Pakistani journalists’ killings. In order to collect data, in-depth interviews of 15 seasoned journalists are conducted through snowball sampling and 10 recent tweets of Arshad Shairf has been examined by applying the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to uncover the rhetoric. The findings show that the journalists in Pakistan are performing their jobs in grave situation and get exposed to life threats when they blur the line between journalism and politics. State and non-state actors, land mafias and criminal gangs threaten journalists. Stakeholders and media owners use media workers for their interests. The case of Arshad Sharif’s murder has raised questions on the safety of journalists and the journalistic ethics in Pakistan. It is recommended to revisit the freedom of expression and media code of ethics in the light of findings of this research." (Abstract)
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"The survey data show that most Zimbabweans treasure a media that is free from the shackles of government interference and that acts as a watchdog over government, investigating and reporting on its mistakes and corruption. Despite this dominant preference, only a minority think the country currentl
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y has a free media, suggesting that citizens want the government to do more to ensure that journalists can deliver on their mandate freely and safely. Majorities also endorse the right of ordinary citizens and the media to access various types of government information, including budgets and expenditures for local government, bids and contracts, and salary information for teachers and local government officials. As for where Zimbabweans obtain their news, radio still rules the roost among news sources, though social media is challenging its dominance among young, urban, and educated citizens." (Conclusion)
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"This article examines the historical roots of the role of successive Turkish governments’ fear of media and Turkish media’s fear of government authority with respect to the development of press freedom over the long run and closely analyzes the historical pressures imposed on journalists throug
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h legal and informal means. We focus particularly on the economic and political pressure on the media in Turkey and offer three arguments regarding the fear in Turkish media: (1) Media fear is historical rather than a rupture that happened during the Justice and Development Party era; (2) out of fear of losing power, the governments use structural, legislative and extra-legal factors to the advantage of the ruling party to support a friendly media-ecology; and (3) the repressed media attempt to come out of this ecology of fear by utilizing new tactics of reporting, such as alternative media and citizen journalism." (Abstract)
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"The Afghan media landscape stands at a crossroads, navigating a landscape rife with challenges and uncertainties in the wake of the Taliban's resurgence. The post-Taliban era, marked by a thriving media sector with 160 television channels, 311 radio stations, 90 print newspapers, and 26 news agenci
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es, has witnessed a drastic transformation. The current media landscape, with 70 television channels, 211 radio stations, 11 print newspapers, and 9 news agencies, reflects a significant decline in numbers and diversity. Under the de facto rule of the Taliban, the media sector has encountered substantial constraints. Censorship and self-censorship have become rampant, with journalists and media outlets navigating the perilous territory of permissible content. Threats, intimidation, and violence against media professionals have created an atmosphere of fear, leading to an exodus of skilled journalists. Investigative journalism, once a cornerstone of accountability, has been stifled, and access to unbiased information has dwindled, leaving citizens ill-informed.
The closure of media outlets has far-reaching implications, including restricted information flow, suppressed free speech, and diminished content diversity. The narrative has further fragmented between Kabul and the provinces, where media freedom varies significantly. Female journalists remain conspicuously absent in many regions, underscoring the entrenched gender disparity in the field. International media outlets, under surveillance and restraints, grapple with maintaining their operations and integrity in an increasingly controlled environment. Social media, once a platform for open dialogue, faces censorship and restrictions, hampering the exchange of ideas. As Afghanistan's media landscape evolves, the absence of comprehensive legal frameworks has exacerbated challenges. The suspension of the Mass Media Law and the Access to Information Law during the transitional phase has left media professionals in a legal gray area. The need for inclusive consultations with media stakeholders to shape these laws cannot be overstated. In this complex milieu, it is evident that safeguarding the media's role as a communication bridge between the government and the people is paramount. Collaborative efforts between the Islamic Emirate, the international community, and media support organizations are essential to prevent the collapse of Afghanistan's media landscape." (Conclusion, pages 16-17)
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"Over a decade ago, the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings erupted in six Arab countries. They were accompanied, initially, by high hopes for democratic transformation and reform (Lynch, 2012). These hopes and aspirations also included widening the margin of freedom of expression in general and press freedo
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m in particular (El Tantawy & Wiest, 2011). However, these Arab Spring countries ultimately suffered from serious challenges which negatively impacted their transition to democratization and political reform, leading to an escalating wave of authoritarianism, which worsened significantly amid the Covid-19 pandemic (Khamis, 2020a, 2020b). This chapter investigates the myriad factors impacting journalistic practices in the Arab world in the post–Arab Spring and post-Covid-19 era, with a special focus on the multiple effects and far-reaching implications on both legacy media and citizen journalism. It pays special attention to the phenomenon of journalistic resistance from the diaspora (Khamis & Fowler, 2020) and the gender-based challenges impacting Arab women journalists, in particular, as a result of these intertwined and complex set of factors (Khamis & El-Ibiary, 2022), Finally, it highlights some of the resistance mechanisms which are deployed by Arab journalists to push back against the multilayered and multifaceted constraints which are imposed on them by their autocratic regimes, politically, economically, legally, and professionally." (Abstract)
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"This article analyses how international advocacy campaigns approach and define media freedom, and what influences this process. It does this through a two-year case study of the Media Freedom Coalition—an intergovernmental partnership of over 50 countries—that included 55 interviews with key st
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akeholders, observations, and document analysis. This revelatory case sheds light on how norms of media freedom are constructed and contested on the international stage, and their implications for journalists, media freedom and geo-politics. We show that the Coalition adopted a state-centric, accountability-focused, and negative understanding of media freedom. This discourse legitimized a narrow, reactive, and “resource-light” approach to supporting media freedom, focused on “other” countries. We argue that critical norm research provides a helpful prism for understanding this Coalition’s operations, and the global politics of media freedom more generally. These findings have important implications for understandings of “norm entrepreneurship,” “media imperialism,” and “media freedom” itself." (Abstract)
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"[...] There is a need to expand the framework for press freedom defense to incorporate the notion of public interest. Linking press freedom and public interest allows for the protection of press freedom based not only on the individual right to free expression but also on the collective social bene
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fit derived from independent journalism. A public interest framework has the potential to unite the different sectors that are seeking to positively influence the global information space – groups engaged in free expression advocacy, the media development community, democratic governments and the tech platforms. Creating a global information system that serves the public interest is the best available articulation of their shared goals. Public interest represents a powerful social norm within journalism and is also a recognized regulatory framework often applied to media. But its meaning is contested and evolving. While the adoption of the public interest framework will not solve the global information crisis, it will more clearly define the goal, grounding the debate and making it more productive. Journalists themselves have much to contribute to the public dialogue precisely because public interests represent such a strong normative value within the profession. The best-suited institutions to represent the interests of journalists and ensure their perspective informs the policy discussion are journalism schools at leading universities, which should expand research and education related to the concept of public interest." (Executive summary)
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"The existing literature presents several studies which show that the levels of press freedom can affect the state of the economy. What has not thus far been investigated is whether the economy can affect the levels of press freedom, the specific economic conditions that mainly affect it and the dif
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ferences among various countries. This study attempts to analyze the impact of economic conditions on the degree of press freedom, in 18 countries of the western world based on a quantitative analysis for the period 2002–2019, and advance our understanding of this relationship. We find that the state of the economy within a country can affect the level of press freedom while the effects of economic conditions on the degree of press freedom seem to vary among different media systems of the western world." (Abstract)
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