"Der Band beschäftigt sich mit der Verschärfung des politischen Diskurses zwischen Ost und West, die vielfach in den westlichen Medien kritisierte Renationalisierung der osteuropäischen Gesellschaften, ihr „neo-konservativer“ Trend, der sich auch und gerade in den Medien spiegelt. Russland is
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t dafür das klassische, vielzitierte Beispiel, aber auch Serbien, Polen oder Ungarn haben hier in jüngster Zeit aufgeschlossen. Wie sich dies entwickelt hat, die politischen Prämissen und Hintergründe, der Einfluss, der auf die Redaktionspolitik ausgeübt wird, wie osteuropäische Medien die westliche Kritik empfinden und interpretieren, wird hier beschrieben und analysiert. Ist der Wandel der Berichterstattung und Kommentierung in den osteuropäischen Medien, der auch im Westen Widerhall findet, Indiz für größere politische und gesellschaftliche Umbrüche in Europa?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Competencias mediáticas en medios digitales emergentes aborda los asuntos más importantes que atraviesan los campos de estudios de la Comunicación o la Educación y en específico de las competencias mediáticas y digitales de la ciudadanía como capacidad de los individuos de desenvolverse en e
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l actual ecosistema mediático. Organizada en torno a tres ejes temáticos claramente diferenciados, se analizan los aspectos generales de las Competencias Mediáticas y sus dimensiones estructuradas, entre ellas el lenguaje, la producción y difusión, las ideologías y los valores, las tecnologías y las estéticas y narrativas. Asimismo, se revisan las actuales problemáticas sociales de interacción con los medios digitales desde los resultados obtenidos por la red Alfamed (Red Interuniversitaria Euroamericana de Investigación en Competencias Mediáticas para la Ciudadanía), con el apoyo del Proyecto I+D+I Coordinado “Competencias mediáticas de la ciudadanía en medios digitales emergentes (smartphones y tablets): Prácticas innovadoras y estrategias educomunicativas en contextos múltiples”, y de la “Red de Educación Mediática” del Programa Estatal de Investigación Científica-Técnica de Excelencia, Subprograma Estatal de Generación de Conocimiento. Para terminar, sus autores proponen algunas prácticas educomunicativas dirigidas a usuarios, padres de familia, centros de formación e instituciones del Estado con el fin de paliar las consecuencias de los problemas que la ausencia de dichas competencias acarrean para la sociedad en su conjunto." (Resumen)
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"Fake news, post-truth and filter bubbles are other people’s problems, not ours…: 65% think that other people live in a bubble on the internet, mostly looking for opinions they already agree with – but only 34% say they live in their own bubble; 63% are confident they can identify fake news -
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but only 41% think average person can; 58% think they’re better than average at spotting fake news, only 28% think they’re not; 60% think other people don’t care about facts any more, they just believe what they want; 59% think they have a better understanding of social realities like crime rates than the average person, only 29% think they don’t." (Page 3)
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"55% of the interviewees have mixed feelings about how well informed they are regarding the general events from the Republic of Moldova. 43% of the respondents stated that they don’t feel informed at all or feel informed to a small extent regarding the events from the country. At the same time, 40
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% stated that they are satisfied with the Republic of Moldova mass media. A large percentage - 92% - of the respondents totally agree or somewhat agree that “it is important for Moldovans to be able to distinguish the news which intend to manipulate and misinform citizens”. At the same time, when asked what type of sources they use for information, almost half (45%) mentioned that they follow the news, but are not sure which sources are independent. 44% of the respondents believe that it would be “difficult” or “very difficult” to distinguish when mass media’s intention is to manipulate or change the opinion of the citizens. At the same time, 61% of the interviewees believe that the population of Moldova could hardly make a difference between fake and real news. 85% of the participants believe that news in the Republic of Moldova are influenced by politics 'a lot' or 'very much'." (Summary)
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"The purpose of this RISJ factsheet is to provide toplevel usage statistics for the most popular sites that independent fact-checkers and other observers have identified as publishers of false news and online disinformation in two European countries: France and Italy. We focus specifically on sites
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that independent fact-checkers have shown to publish demonstrably false news and information, whether for profit or for ideological/political purposes. This constitutes a more clearly defined subset of a wider range of issues sometimes discussed using the broad, vague, and politicized term “fake news”. We examine France and Italy as two particularly important cases, as both are widely seen as facing serious issues with forprofit and ideologically/politically motivated online disinformation. Based on a starting sample of around 300 websites in each country that independent fact-checkers have identified as publishers of false news (which, on this basis, we refer to as “false news sites”), we focus on measuring these sites’ reach, attention, and number of interactions on Facebook. We provide context by comparing these figures with equivalent data for a small selection of the most widely-used French and Italian news brands. We find that: • None of the false news websites we considered had an average monthly reach of over 3.5% in 2017, with most reaching less than 1% of the online population in both France and Italy. By comparison, the most popular news websites in France (Le Figaro) and Italy (La Repubblica) had an average monthly reach of 22.3% and 50.9%, respectively; • The total time spent with false news websites each month is lower than the time spent with news websites. The most popular false news websites in France were viewed for around 10 million minutes per month, and for 7.5 million minutes in Italy. People spent an average of 178 million minutes per month with Le Monde, and 443 million minutes with La Repubblica—more than the combined time spent with all 20 false news sites in each sample; • Despite clear differences in terms of website access, the level of Facebook interaction (defined as the total number of comments, shares, and reactions) generated by a small number of false news outlets matched or exceeded that produced by the most popular news brands. In France, one false news outlet generated an average of over 11 million interactions per month—five times greater than more established news brands. However, in most cases, in both France and Italy, false news outlets do not generate as many interactions as established news brands." (Pages 1-2)
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"Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa and occasionally drawing comparisons with other regions of the world, this book critically addresses the development of the field focusing on the current opportunities and challenges within the African context. By using a wide variety of case studies that include Moza
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mbique, Zambia, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Ivory Coast and Nigeria, the collection gives space to previously understudied regions of sub-Saharan Africa and challenges the over-reliance of western scholarship on political communication on the continent." (Publisher description)
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"Our study is the first to identify and analyse who is shaping African Twitter conversations during elections over the past year. The study found that 53 per cent of the leading voices on Twitter around ten elections on the continent during the past year came from outside the country in which the el
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ections were contested. Bots, and accounts displaying machine-like behaviour, were active across all elections, particularly in Kenya, where they accounted for a quarter of all influential accounts. One of the more surprising findings from the study was the limited influence politicians had on the conversation. Rwanda was the exception, where 1 in every 3 influential handles was a political account – the highest figure across all elections analysed. This doesn’t mean politicians weren’t being talked about. Many of the top hashtags included references to politicians or political parties, including #UmaAngolaParaTodos in Angola, #Weah in Liberia and #Kagame in Rwanda. This study demonstrates that people continue to seek out the voices they trust with established journalists and news outlets consistently ranked in the top three influencers across all elections. With fake news and bots influencing conversations on social media, people continue to search for traditional sources of verified, accurate information." (Introduction)
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"The study explains how strategists set campaign objectives based on input from their political clients, then delegate political marketing responsibility to a team of digital influencers and fake account operators. These operators infiltrate online communities, artificially trend hashtags to hijack
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mainstream media attention, and disseminate disinformation to silence enemies and seed revisionist history narratives. While the Philippine public’s moral panic about fake news is often directed at high-profile digital influencers and celebrities such as Mocha Uson who are seen to incite political divisiveness and harass journalists, Ong and Cabañes argue that the real chief architects of disinformation are hiding in plain sight—wearing respectable faces as leaders in their industry while sidestepping accountability." (http://newtontechfordev.com)
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"In this report, we favour the word “disinformation” over “fake news.” Disinformation, as used in the Report, includes all forms of false, inaccurate, or misleading information designed, presented and promoted to intentionally cause public harm or for profit. Our main message is that the bes
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t responses to disinformation are multi-dimensional, with stakeholders collaborating in a manner that protects and promotes freedom of expression, media freedom, and media pluralism. Another key message is that effective action will require continuous research on the impact of disinformation, increased transparency, and access to relevant data, combined with evaluation of responses on a regular, ongoing basis. This is particularly important as disinformation is a multi-faceted and evolving problem that does not have one single root cause." (Foreword)
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"This analysis of digital advertising technology and its relevance to disinformation online is designed to broaden the focus in the current public debate beyond Russian operatives buying ads on social media. The problem is much bigger than that and the issues of concern are more diverse. Our analysi
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s points to the core challenge of disentangling the alignment of interests between the commercial pursuits of digital platform companies and the success of disinformation-based political advertisers. It is a mistake to fixate on Russia. Russia is one of many online disinformation operators targeting Americans. Future disinformation campaigns may just as likely be run by domestic operators as foreign ones. These operators will most likely leverage the most dominant U.S. internet platforms to reach tens upon hundreds of millions of Americans. The full range of these disinformation campaigns could produce a grave public harm. In particular, they can progressively weaken the integrity of our democracy by separating citizens from facts and polarizing our political culture." (Conclusions)
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"Part One, 'In Their Own Words: Trolling, Meme Culture, and Journalists’ Reflections on the 2016 US Presidential Election,' provides a historical overview of the relationship between the news media and far-right manipulators during the 2016 US presidential election. Part Two, 'At a Certain Point Y
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ou Have to Realize That You’re Promoting Them’: The Ambivalence of Journalistic Amplification,' identifies the intended and unintended consequences of reporting on bigoted, damaging, or otherwise problematic information and the structural limitations of journalism (economic, labor, and cultural) that exacerbate these tensions. And Part Three, 'The Forest and the Trees: Proposed Editorial Strategies,' recommends practices on establishing newsworthiness; handling objectively false information; covering specific harassment campaigns or manipulators, bigots, and abusers; and reporting on the internet that are particularly critical in an era of disinformation." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"A RAND Corporation study examined Russian-language content on social media and the broader propaganda threat posed to the region of former Soviet states that include Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, and, to a lesser extent, Moldova and Belarus. In addition to employing a state-funded multilingu
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al television network, operating various Kremlin-supporting news websites, and working through several constellations of Russia-backed “civil society” organizations, Russia employs a sophisticated social media campaign that includes news tweets, nonattributed comments on web pages, troll and bot social media accounts, and fake hashtag and Twitter campaigns. Nowhere is this threat more tangible than in Ukraine, which has been an active propaganda battleground since the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. Other countries in the region look at Russia’s actions and annexation of Crimea and recognize the need to pay careful attention to Russia’s propaganda campaign. To conduct this study, RAND researchers employed a mixed-methods approach that used careful quantitative analysis of social media data to understand the scope of Russian social media campaigns combined with interviews with regional experts and U.S. and North Atlantic Treaty Organization security experts to understand the critical ingredients to countering this campaign." (Back cover)
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"As the largest alliance of U.S.-based nonprofits that work around the world, we believe it is critical to raise awareness about the evolving threat of online disinformation. Whether our members are providing emergency assistance to people fleeing conflicts, promoting democratic governance in places
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with evolving institutions and civil society, or promoting peace as faith-based or faith-founded organizations, we are all united by our shared mission of making the world a more peaceful and prosperous place. Confronting this new challenge is indeed critical to this mission and worthy of our time and resources. We hope this report begins a critical dialogue within our community about the scale of the problem we face concerning online disinformation, and, more importantly, what we can do to protect ourselves against it. As a community, we remain committed to leveraging the knowledge, expertise, and private resources from the NGO community to build stronger defenses against bad actors and abuse of online platforms that provide critical information to members and our beneficiary communities." (Letter from our CEO, page 6)
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"The guide explores the notion that fake news is not just another type of content that circulates online, but that it is precisely the character of this online circulation and reception that makes something into fake news. In this sense fake news may be considered not just in terms of the form or co
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ntent of the message, but also in terms of the mediating infrastructures, platforms and participatory cultures which facilitate its circulation. In this sense, the significance of fake news cannot be fully understood apart from its circulation online. It is the register of this circulation that also enables us to trace how material that starts its life as niche satire can be repackaged as hyper-partisan clickbait to generate advertising money and then continue life as an illustration of dangerous political misinformation. As a consequence this field guide encourages a shift from focusing on the formal content of fabrications in isolation to understanding the contexts in which they circulate online. This shift points to the limits of a “deficit model” approach – which might imply that fabrications thrive only because of a deficit of factual information. In the guide we suggest new ways of mapping and responding to fake news beyond identifying and fact-checking suspect claims – including “thicker” accounts of circulation as a way to develop a richer understanding of how fake news moves and mobilises people, more nuanced accounts of “fakeness” and responses which are better attuned to the phenomenon." (Page 8)
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"The fourth annual report looks at jobs in the newsroom, fake news and fact-checking journalism, and highlights the problem of threats to media freedom in South Africa. In a survey conducted across a range of newsrooms both big and small, it found that young, black women journalists are more likely
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to find work in South African newsrooms than any other demographic. The survey also confirmed that, with one or two exceptions, young, less experienced journalists are writing the news we read every day. While its overview of honours research into fake news suggests there might not be as much of it circulating in this country as we imagine, it also found that fact-checking journalism has yet to gain the traction in South African newsrooms as a marketable genre in the way that it has elsewhere in the world." (http://journalism.co.za/resources/state-of-the-newsroom)
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"Our key findings are: 1. We have found evidence of formally organized social media manipulation campaigns in 48 countries, up from 28 countries last year. In each country there is at least one political party or government agency using social media to manipulate public opinion domestically; 2. Much
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of this growth comes from countries where political parties are spreading disinformation during elections, or countries where government agencies feel threatened by junk news and foreign interference and are responding by developing their own computational propaganda campaigns in response; 3. In a fifth of these 48 countries—mostly across the Global South—we found evidence of disinformation campaigns operating over chat applications such as WhatsApp, Telegram and WeChat; 4. Computational propaganda still involves social media account automation and online commentary teams, but is making increasing use of paid advertisements and search engine optimization on a widening array of Internet platforms." (Executive summary)
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"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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