"A new generation of Afro-Brazilian media producers have emerged to challenge a mainstream that frequently excludes them. Reighan Gillam delves into the dynamic alternative media landscape developed by Afro-Brazilians in the twenty-first century. With works that confront racism and focus on Black ch
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aracters, these artists and the visual media they create identify, challenge, or break with entrenched racist practices, ideologies, and structures. Gillam looks at a cross-section of media to show the ways Afro-Brazilians assert control over various means of representation in order to present a complex Black humanity. These images--so at odds with the mainstream--contribute to an anti-racist visual politics fighting to change how Brazilian media depicts Black people while highlighting the importance of media in the movement for Black inclusion." (Publisher description)
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"Die digitale Transformation der Öffentlichkeit führte zu einem Aufschwung von alternativen Nachrichtenmedien im Netz, die den professionellen Informationsjournalismus konkurrieren. Als Gegenöffentlichkeiten stehen sie in Opposition zur hegemonialen Öffentlichkeit aus Politik und Medien. Lisa Sc
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hwaiger nimmt eine Bestandsaufnahme alternativer Nachrichtenmedien im deutschsprachigen Raum vor und ordnet diese typologisch ein. Mit einem netzwerkanalytischen Ansatz untersucht sie die Relationen zwischen Alternativ- und Mainstreammedien in der Twitter-Sphäre und liefert neue Erkenntnisse zu einem gesellschaftlich hochrelevanten Thema." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The aim of this article is to show to what extent alternative audio media can be built online, not only by amateurs but also as a combination of the energy and involvement of professional journalists and the community of listeners who are ready to support them [...] The podcast Raport o stanie swia
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ta and two Internet radio stations, Radio Nowy Swiat and Radio 357 from Poland, which are analysed in this article, were born in an act of protest against the negative changes in public service broadcasting, which became a propaganda tool. They are financed by listeners via the crowdfunding platform Patronite and do not broadcast advertising. A framework for analysing their functioning is devised using, in particular, theories of the public sphere and of alternative media. The study is based on content analysis of the call-in broadcasts disseminated for the first anniversary of the stations, Radio Nowy Swiat (April 16 and July 9, 2022) and Radio 357 (January 5, 2022). Pre-structured interviews with the patrons of Raport o stanie swiata are also used. Websites and social media accounts of these initiatives, as well as press coverage and data gathered by the National Broadcasting Council in relation to Polish Radio, are analysed as well. The research found that all three initiatives Raport o stanie swiata, Radio Nowy Swiat and Radio 357, despite being started by professionals, share some of the characteristics of alternative media and can significantly change the model of audio production, financing and consumption routines in Poland." (Abstract)
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"This article engages with the history of Swedish prison papers, situating them as alternative media within the broader media landscape shaped by the emergence and dismantling of the welfare state. The article not only aims to give a descriptive account of the history of Swedish prison papers but al
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so builds and further develops theorizations of alternative media by constructing them not in opposition to established media but as in dialogue and exchange with them. As we show, prison papers have had repercussions for mainstream discourses beyond catering to niche audiences. Therefore, we suggest that alternative media should be understood as part of the broader media landscape rather than being situated outside of it. This also has implications for how we conceptualize newly emerging alternative media, also called alt-media, that are not progressive but populist and right-wing oriented, as well as supportive of conspiracy theories." (Abstract)
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"Branding Brazil examines a panorama of contemporary cultural productions including film, television, photography, and alternative media to explore the transformation of citizenship in Brazil from 2003 to 2014. A utopian impulse drove the reproduction of Brazilian cultural identity for local and glo
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bal consumption; cultural production sought social and economic profits, especially greater inclusion of previously marginalized people and places. Marsh asserts that three communicative strategies from branding-promising progress, cultivating buy-in, and resolving contradictions-are the most salient and recurrent practices of nation branding during this historic period. More recent political crises can be understood partly in terms of backlash against marked social and political changes introduced during the branding period. Branding Brazil takes a multi-faceted approach, weaving media studies with politics and cinema studies to reveal that more than a marketing term or project emanating from the state, branding was a cultural phenomenon." (Publisher description)
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"La comunicación alternativa –también denominada comunitaria, libre, ciudadana, del tercer sector o para el cambio social– es percibida como una hermana menor en las ciencias de la comunicación hasta padecer una triple invisibilización: en la historia social del campo, en relación con los m
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edios públicos y comerciales, y en las propias teorías de la comunicación. Desde esta premisa, el presente volumen se adentra en su conceptualización y en sus principales hitos, debates y prácticas en España desde la Transición democrática hasta la actualidad y poniendo el foco en distintos soportes mediáticos: desde la radio comunitaria al vídeo participativo y el activismo digital." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Through a combination of qualitative in-depth interviews with alternative media outlets, quantitative audience surveys involving over 1500 respondents, and focus-group discussions with women and youth civil society actors, this media and information landscape (MILA) evaluates the level of trust tow
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ards different information sources and explores the information flow, dynamics, gaps, and needs experienced by vulnerable groups in marginalized areas. The findings detail gaps between alternative media outlets’ objectives and its organizational structure or capacity needed to achieve its vision, legal and regulatory constraints that limit the accurate sharing of information with audiences, and the detrimental impact of Lebanon’s economic hardships on media financing. The report thus analyzes the information needs of women and youth in marginalized areas, explores linkages between alternative media outlets and civil society actors, and offers recommendations to strengthen media outlet’s capacity to delivery quality news and scale up their reach." (Publisher description)
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"This doctoral dissertation analyzes participation in alternative media, taking the reader to the Russia of the late 2010s. Bringing together discourse theory, media and communication studies and political theory, it approaches participation in media production through the lens of performativity. Th
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e conceptualization of participation as a performance helps explore the material, embodied and spatial enactments of discourses that sustain the fragile and unstable process of production. The data of this study comprise several months of participant observations, interviews with media producers, and textual analysis of media content. The research employs a case-study method and focuses on media that explicitly delegate their participants the right to co-decide on matters of content production and internal organizing process. The three cases under study are Russia’s oldest anarchist medium Avtonom, the student medium DOXA, and the web-based zine Discours. Data analysis integrates qualitative content analysis and a discourse-theoretical approach, informed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory alongside its subsequent developments within the Essex School. The study looks into the distribution of power in alternative media amidst an internal diversity, material constraints, and an antagonistic relationship with the state. The analysis constructs a model of participation, which shows its embeddedness into multiple and partially overlapping communities. A vibrant sociality and the potential for a further expansion of the media communities emerge as two of the key conditions of the participatory process. Furthermore, participation is supported by an ongoing performance of a multiplicity of identities, in which the more elitist articulations of journalism are intertwined with some empowering and counterhegemonic notions of media production, media producers, and the audience. Retaining a critical-explanatory focus, the dissertation explores the limits of power-sharing, such as the persistence of journalistic professionalism, the scarce resources of the media and vulnerability inflicted by the state. The static representation of the state as the major confronting force reveals the paradoxical nature of social antagonism: while mobilizing the limited resources, it also reduces participatory intensities and triggers a politics of trust that restricts access to media production. This dissertation offers a number of theoretical and empirical contributions to several fields. Some of its key insights relate to participation beyond institutional politics, the hybridity of mainstream and alternative media, the interconnection of discourse, materiality and affect, and an empirical applicability of discourse theory." (Abstract)
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"Despite the growing impact and diversity in the alternative media scene in Lebanon, and the key role they play in producing a counter-hegemonic narrative on political, economic, and sociological matters, they remain nonetheless lacking a viable and sturdy infrastructure. The latter is evident in th
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eir lack of a legal infrastructure that could potentially guarantee the rights of their workforce on the long term and simultaneously further their causes. Likewise, their lack of sustainable and stable income generation and funding put strain on their continuity. Yet, most saliently, it is likely the divisive and loose structure that the alternative media scene currently has that mostly curtails its ability to build a parallel and equally competitive narrative against that maintained by the ruling elites and their associated institutions and clientalist networks. The fractures and fragility of the alternative media scene is not a product of its diversity, but rather of the absence of legal, economic, and institutional infrastructure that could built ground for a more collaborative and powerful counter-narrative. Indeed, should these initiatives muster efforts to create such infrastructure, the viability of the alternative media scene remains contingent to the presence of a strong and grounded political opposition force in the country. As this research has indicated, the role of alternative media and the advent of a counter-hegemonic narrative is inextricable from the broader political landscape." (Conclusion)
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"Tenemos que afirmar que, en estos días, está en su casi totalidad, por lo menos cuando nos referimos a los medios de comunicación masivos; permeado y bajo el control de las élites económicas que, además, hay que recordarlo, son en su inmensa mayoría élites masculinas. Esta situación de dom
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inación supondrá una evidente retroalimentación de conceptos y visiones desde el mundo económico al comunicacional donde, entre otras, será también dominante la visión patriarcal. Pero podemos ir más allá aún y, al hilo de ese sometimiento al poder económico, recuperar la cita inicial que abre esta introducción para entender que el cuarto poder, el mediático, además de estar hoy supeditado a las élites económicas, ante la ausencia de un contrapoder que lo reequilibre y controle en sus actuaciones, no es un poder necesariamente democrático. Sobre todo esto, entre otros aspectos, iremos profundizando en las páginas siguientes y, de alguna forma, en la totalidad de este ensayo. En los últimos capítulos, hablaremos también de ese posible contrapoder que constituiría la comunicación alternativa, comunitaria, basado en la sociedad civil." (Introducción)
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"In Brasilien hat sich innerhalb kurzer Zeit die Medienlandschaft grundlegend verändert. Die neuen Medien sind zentral geworden und haben u.a. die Präsidentschaftswahl entschieden. NGOs und Soziale Bewegungen experimentieren mit neuen digitalen Strategien, als auch mit klassischen Instrumenten, um
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Gegenöffentlichkeit herzustellen. Erkannt ist, dass meist nur der eigne Zirkel erreicht wird. Als Herausforderung und Aufgabe beschrieben die Referierenden, zukünftig über den eigenen Sympathisantenkreis zu wirken, um andere Bevölkerungsgruppen zu erreichen." (Seite 3)
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"In the Philippines, the assault on the press has gone digital. While Filipino journalists continue to face physical, verbal, and legal threats and attacks, cyber-attacks and online harassment/trolling were identified in 2018 as the second worst threat against them, after low wages and poor working
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conditions, according to the International Federation of Journalists and the Southeast Asia Journalist Unions. Websites of news outlets have also been hacked and taken down. These challenges make the press vulnerable to self-censorship and may even lead to fatal outcomes. This chapter seeks to fill the gap in the literature on the digital types of assault on the Philippine alternative press, focusing on the experience of alternative news media outlets—independent media particularly critical of the government. It explores the range of such threats and attacks and the responses, legal frameworks, and remedies in place that are used to combat dangers of this nature." (Abstract)
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"This report highlights numerous troubling developments in Turkey’s media landscape. Distrust in the media has reached crisis proportions, with fully 70 percent of Turks viewing the media as dishonest. These doubts have formed the backdrop for rapid shifts in how Turks access political news and in
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formation, as citizens turn toward online outlets and social media platforms that are more independent of government control but are themselves often rife with misinformation. Such changes have created an increasingly fragmented media landscape, in which Turks of different political parties, ages, and regions are consuming news from very different sources. Unfortunately, many of these sources are unreliable, and none enjoys trust across the political spectrum. The political repercussions of these trends will deeply affect both Turkey and its Western allies. Indeed, these same challenges, including distrust of the media and severe political polarization, are afflicting numerous other NATO countries, from Poland to the United States. The growing prevalence of misinformation may further aggravate partisan divides and weaken accountability. Already it has undermined Turkey’s response to the coronavirus pandemic." (Page 16)
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"In Österreich gingen 1998 die ersten freien Radios auf Sendung. Inzwischen sind sie zu einer Gruppe von 17 Radio- und Fernsehsendern herangewachsen. Was sie eint, ist aber längst mehr, als die Gruppe der Nichtkommerziellen zu sein. Sie stellen heute eine Mediengattung mit einem sehr homogen gewac
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hsenen Selbstverständnis für ihre Aufgabe und ihre Rolle in der Gesellschaft dar, so diese Studie.Für die Untersuchung wurden u.a. Fokusgruppengespräche mit 120 vornehmlich ehrenamtlichen Mitarbeitern und Mitarbeiterinnen von fünfzehn Sendern durchgeführt. Dabei wurde deutlich, dass sich die nichtkommerziellen Programmveranstalterinnen und -veranstalter senderübergreifend an fünf zentralen Funktionen ihres Tuns orientieren, mit denen spezifische, übereinstimmend beschriebene Ziele und Werte erreicht werden. Dabei handelt es sich um die Artikulationsfunktion, die Partizipationsfunktion, die Komplementaritätsfunktion, die Medienbildungsfunktion und um die Realisierung medienkonvergenter Strategien. Deren Bedeutung, Zusammenspiel und Wirkung werden in dieser Untersuchung erläutert.Die Feststellung einer sehr weitreichenden Einigkeit der nichtkommerziellen Programmveranstalterinnen und -veranstalter über ihre Ziele und Werte ist von zentraler Bedeutung. Sie ist der wissenschaftliche Beleg für die Existenz eines „mission statements“, welches im Kern alle Verantwortlichen, Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter der Community-Medien über die gesamte Republik hinweg miteinander teilen und an dem sie sich selbst messen und auch messen lassen." (Vorwort, Seite 4)
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