"Changes have been gradual but the watershed was 1992/4 when the airwaves were liberalised, leading to the mushrooming of media institutions especially in the broadcasting area. In the past five years, the media in Uganda has become more vibrant, more liberated and there has been more freedom of exp
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ression overall. Opening up of media space led to the proliferation of private newspapers, private radio stations and private television stations, and the introduction and eager embrace of the Internet and mobile phones by many people. The horizon of news reporting has been widened to cover East Africa and the Great Lakes Region. There has been more diversity in what the media is reporting. The media has acquired prominence as one of the four pillars of governance. Investigative journalism has been improved, but there are many draconian laws on the books. Some are active but others lie dormant and may be activated at any time. There is a recognition by the media that there is a need to move their relations with government to a level that is more professional and more engaging, rather than accusing the latter simply of control and denial of access. More people are using the media as a tool for advocacy and development. Communities now actively participate in, and influence media programmes by contributing ideas." (Summary & conclusions, page 61)
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"The media sector has changed in recent years, mostly for the better, through the following media development processes: the 1990 Decree on the liberalisation of the broadcast sector to allow private entrants; significant increase in private radio and television, although licensing is still problema
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tic; seminars and training workshops for Cameroonian journalists supported by the donor community; introduction of a state subsidy system for private media houses, though the number and amount of such subsidies is still small; and, management change at the state television CRTV, with a new General Manager replacing one who had been in the position for 16 years." (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The most relevant changes that occurred during the past five years in Sierra Leone are the results of democracy (free and fair elections in 2002) and establishing the Independent Media Commission Act (IMC) of 2000 to help deregulate the formation of new media outlets. The resilience of media practi
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tioners and others fighting for press freedom led to some of the changes. Financial support from external partners also opened up the media and helped to develop the sector. Training, repealing anti-media laws, supporting an open media market, making information communication technology (ICT) available, deregulation and civil society cooperation with media practitioners are key issues. Media development initiatives over the past five years have been remarkable. Interviewees were upbeat about future progress." (Summary & conclusions, page 69)
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"While acknowledging that the situation is not entirely ideal, most of the interviewees believed a lot has been achieved in terms of the development of the media in Mozambique over the past five years. This was mainly due to relatively stable political conditions, underpinned by a liberal constituti
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on that enshrines media freedom and the freedom of expression as fundamental rights. In as far as press freedom is concerned, the Constitution is complemented by a Press Law that the interviewees in general considered to be fair, balanced and progressive, allowing for a diversity of views that play an important role in shaping public opinion. An informed public opinion is key for a political system that is deeply rooted in the people, and is in turn the basic condition for long-term stability, which in itself leads to sustainable social well-being and economic prosperity. It was interesting to note from the interviews that there is a general awareness of the important role of the mass media in Mozambique’s development process, and in the consolidation of the country’s nascent democracy. Despite this awareness, however, and although there is understanding of the need to develop the media, the issue has not been fully exploited either by government or by the donors. (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The media sector in Ghana has witnessed some dramatic, positive changes over the past few years, made possible by the promulgation of the 1992 democratic Constitution and the election in 2000 of President Kufuor’s government. All interviewees agreed that democratisation and the repeal of the Crim
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inal Libel Law have been the most important changes for the media sector, allowing for an explosion in the number of media houses in Ghana. Training was identified as the single most important media development initiative in the individual interviewees’ areas of work." (Summary & conclusions, page 57)
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"Relevant changes in Angolan media were noticed in the press. Newspapers grew the most radios grew some, but TV did not grow at all. There are few new media development initiatives known in Angola. The greatest initiative, though still not in effect, is the new Media Law. The growth of the Sindicato
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dos Jornalistas de Angola (SJA) has seen the election of new management and the organisation has become very active in empowering journalists and defending their rights." (Summary & conclusions, page 47)
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"Overall, South Africa has a relatively vibrant and developing media environment. The 15 interviewees were involved in 37 media development initiatives between them. These development initiatives comprise the following: 12 training initiatives; nine advocacy initiatives; five research initiatives; t
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hree training media initiatives; two legal support initiatives; one award initiative; one grant making initiative; one conference; and, one revenue stream generation initiative [...] Through their experiences of designing, implementing and evaluating their media development initiatives, interviewees offer the following learning points regarding success. They stress the importance of strategic and long-term planning, of working with partners where possible, avoiding dependency on donors and taking the cultural context into account [...] Interviewees praised media development initiative donors for starting to seek advice about the real needs on the ground. However, interviewees feel that donors are falling short in the following ways: the withdrawal of funding from South Africa; the duplication of initiatives; conducting the wrong training; only providing short-term funding; being too prescriptive; and, not providing for core costs. According to the participating media professionals, the strategic priorities for media development are media management training, community participation, specialised reporting training and media monitoring." (Summary & conclusions, page 99-100)
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"The changes are mostly of a quantitative nature: proliferation of newspaper publications, an increase in the number of frequencies attributed to radio stations (commercial and community stations). Greater superficiality in the editorial lines of most newspaper publications has also been noted. The
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key projects examined included those run by: Panos Institute West Africa ALTERCOM; the Media Centre of Dakar; Génération TV and SYNPICS. Funding is one of the main weaknesses of the media sector of Senegal. The press support fund is very low. Funding of media activities is handled mostly by a few foundations, such as the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, and a few NGOs, such as OSIWA. Evaluation of media activities is a real problem in Senegal. The culture of evaluation is obviously missing in the endeavours of most of the organisations approached in this research. Actors are conscious of the problem and are developing initiatives to solve it. There are few exceptions to this rule, especially for those who believe that there is no progress without evaluation. Beyond financing matters, the success or lack of success of media development activities can be explained by state obstacles to the development of the media, training, professionalism and self-regulation, decriminalising press offences, media evaluation, and the involvement local of groups in community radio." (Summary & conclusions, page 68)
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"The reorganisation of radio broadcasting in the five Arab countries we have looked at is a slow, unequal, up-and-down and unfinished process. It is unfinished in that some states (Egypt and Syria), still have not published the conditions for awarding broadcasting licenses, even though some independ
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ent stations have received authorisation. The beneficiary stations thus have no real legal status, but are private businesses broadcasting music, and refraining from broadcasting news. The stations seem to be of most benefit to businessmen close to the authorities, and are more a part of the process of State privatisation than media democratisation. There is a general lack of transparency, and very little information is available about these radio stations. Journalists know little about the shareholders, working conditions in the stations and how they are organised. The legal vacuum will no doubt eventually be filled in these two countries. But, for the time being, radio broadcasting in Egypt and Syria remains totally under the control of the authorities. Lebanon is a special case. By allowing radio and television stations to be privately owned, Lebanon has essentially brought an existing state of affairs within the law, since these independent stations did not wait for the 1996 law to be passed before going on the air. Nevertheless, the various attempts to prevent religious interests from controlling the media have so far failed, and the political stations are a direct mirror of the country’s religious polarities. Every political/religious party has its own radio station (and television channel), which it uses to support its political choices. And the only non-religious station, Sawt Al-Shab, is close to the Lebanese Communist Party. Despite their vulnerability, the Palestinian and Jordanian experiments are without doubt the most promising. The legal framework is restrictive, in these two countries, but the privatelyowned stations are pushing back the boundaries of news broadcasting, are helping to render the media more autonomous, and introducing a relative degree of democracy in the field of information. But these experiments remain dependent on the unstable political context and resulting legal restrictions. The new legislation is more favourable to entertainment stations and benefits businessmen close to the authorities, leaving little space for civil society radio projects to develop." (Conclusion, page 42)
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"The purpose of this book is to provide a first step for anyone interested in discovering popular culture in India today. The chapters cover cinema, television, and radio; newspapers and magazines; music, theater, and literature; and sport, providing an explanation of the critical developments in ea
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ch of these fields. The book also explores the changing lifestyles in India, particularly in the areas of shopping, eating, and other forms of consumerism. Each chapter has its own list of the books, academic papers, and articles in the popular press that I found useful in the compilation of the book." (Preface)
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"Dans cette région d'Afrique, dont plusieurs pays ont connu, au cours des dernières années, des conflits violents ou des troubles importants, l'outil radiophonique joue un rôle essentiel dans les processus de reconstruction et de consolidation démocratique. A travers cet ouvrage, nous souhaiton
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s fournir aux acteurs du pluralisme radiophonique en Afrique centrale, aux partenaires au developpement, aux autorités publiques et aux associations professionnelles, un état des lieux des législations en vigueur, pays par pays, mais aussi de leur degré d'application, des éventuelles difficultés constatées et des expériences positives à souligner." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"The article examines the distinctive characteristics of radio broadcasting in Madagascar, a country with 200 private local stations and more than 15 regional stations of Malagasy National Radio (RNM). It takes note of the complete freedom of tone among news broadcasters, of the massive presence in
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the schedules of spoken news and of magazine programmes dealing with political affairs, and of the fact that Malagasy, the national language, is heard on air throughout almost the whole country. An outline of RNM's service and a review of the different categories of private stations illustrate the problems facing the medium. Even if RNM experiences excessive control by the State and retains a monopoly of national transmission across the country, radio is a real means of social intervention and of propaganda for the younger generation of politicians, whilst religious organizations are making a substantial contribution to the sector. All this is not without effect on the practice of local radio and could threaten all the advances made by Madagascar in freedom of expression and free choice of listening." (Abstract)
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"This report outlines the findings and conclusions derived from the assessment mission undertaken by the ‘Partnership for Media and Conflict Prevention in West Africa’ to Liberia in December 2003. This mission brought together the expertise of a number of the national, regional and international
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media development and freedom of expression actors. The report seeks to layout collaborative approaches for supporting the media during the immediate and longer-term transition periods, both in terms of overcoming obstacles and developing capacities and resources, as well as contributing towards the creation of lasting peace, stability and democracy." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"This is an exploratory study. It attempts to build on the work conducted for a series of papers which identify lessons learned from the international community’s attempts to use media as a means to consolidate democracy in Cambodia. The consensus is that, despite ten years of training programs an
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d financial assistance, radio news broadcasts still do not meet democratic norms for political communication. A shortcoming of these papers is that they are based on theory and research traditions outside media studies. As a result, they do not take into consideration processes of media production or audience reception when making their propositions for change. This study proposes that, by using methods of research from media studies, it may be possible to address these gaps in knowledge, and therefore strengthen these propositions. It combines peacebuilding and media theory in an effort to identify the normative assumptions of the lessons learned papers, and therefore develop an appropriate strategy for evaluating media performance, and for determining if the propositions in the lessons learned papers have the potential to be successfully implemented. The use of such a strategy was explored in pilot research conducted in Phnom Penh July 2004. It combined content analysis and interviews (with radio station directors, as well as representatives from political parties, non-government organizations [NGOs], and members of the international community.) This study concludes that, while some refinements are required in the design of the proposed research strategy, its use may allow future researchers to gain new insights – insights which compliment the lessons learned papers, and which could be valuable in implementing their propositions for change." (Abstract)
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