"Narrativas de desinformação - principais achados: 1. Entre alegações de fraude e apelos moralistas, a Integridade Eleitoral e os Valores Cristãos despontam como as principais pautas do segundo turno. 2. Parte da relevância dos valores cristãos se dá pelo reenquadramento de outras pautas ger
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ais da campanha permanente pela ótica e moral religiosas. 3. A pauta de Gênero e Família cresce nas plataformas durante o período do 2º turno, graças à discussão sobre aborto, comumente associada à moral religiosa. 4. A discussão sobre integridade eleitoral aumenta em momentos estratégicos, como o 7 de setembro e a votação do primeiro turno. Cresce o risco associado à pauta, com “previsões” de fraude que abrem espaço à contestação no segundo turno. 5. No Facebook e Instagram, predomina a atividade regular e institucionalizada de organizações e lideranças que trabalham com gênero e meio ambiente." (Página 2)
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"La Relatoría Especial para personas defensoras de derechos humanos de Naciones Unidas, en 2011, definió las estigmatizaciones como la caracterización de personas defensoras como “terroristas”, “enemigas del Estado” u “oponentes políticos” por parte de autoridades estatales y medios
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de comunicación estatales y su uso para deslegitimar su trabajo, incrementando su vulnerabilidad a sufrir abusos y violaciones a derechos humanos. El CDJ ha registrado los eventos de estigmatización en contra de personas defensoras a derechos humanos entre enero de 2019 y junio de 2021 en Venezuela, a través de medios de comunicación, públicos y privados, que tienen vínculos con el gobierno. A menudo estos medios de comunicación, que pueden tener forma de portales web, programas de televisión y blogs, entre otros, utilizan los espacios para atacar, exponer y hostigar a personas que son percibidas como críticas al gobierno de Nicolás Maduro. Al analizar la base de datos con más de 300 eventos de estigmatización entre enero 2019 y junio de 2021. Los medios de comunicación que se repitieron con más frecuencia antes de que se produzcan arrestos por parte de las fuerzas de seguridad venezolanas fueron “Con el Mazo Dando”, “Misión Verdad” y el portal web “Lechuguinos” [...] La correlación entre detenciones arbitrarias por motivos políticos, llevadas a cabo por todos los agentes de seguridad estatal, y las estigmatizaciones, realizadas por todas las fuentes de estigmatización, se filtró por cada año que está bajo análisis debido a la distinta naturaleza de cada período. De este análisis se obtuvo que mientras en 2019 la correlación general entre ambas variables era de 29%, en 2020 aumentó al 42% y en el primer semestre de 2021 llegó hasta el 77%. Las correlaciones anuales entre las detenciones arbitrarias y las estigmatizaciones también varían dependiendo de los distintos cuerpos de seguridad involucrados en la detención. Así, hay una correlación más estrecha en 2019 con las detenciones que se producen por los órganos de inteligencia (DGCIM y SEBIN), en 2020 por los órganos dependientes de la PNB, incluyendo las FAES, que sube hasta el 92%, y en 2021 por órganos de naturaleza civil y descentralizados, como las FAES, los cuerpos de policía municipal y el Cuerpo de Investigaciones Científicas, Penales y Criminalísticas (CICPC) que también sube al 92% de correlación con las estigmatizaciones." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 6-8)
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"Information disorder involves wide-ranging content that challenges democratic rules and social harmony. Pseudo-media that relies on conspiracy theories and misleading versions of the social reality contribute to feeding the disinformation ecosystem by reinforcing biased messages with expressive pat
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terns and polarising practices. This article focuses on the content published (N = 1,396) by seven far-right wing Spanish pseudo-media. Based on qualitative and quantitative methods, it analyses headlines, types of text and sources, as well as the distortion strategies of journalistic conventions. Results show that the emotional component is expressed by means of polarised headlines that rely on clickbait to gain attention and build a particular jargon, exacerbated by disinformation and populist practices. The absolute dependence of conspicuous headlines is evidenced by the limited resources of pseudo-media, whose production lies in a mix of opinion text and the processing of online content. Plagiarism from mainstream—mainly conservative—media, social networks and website siblings fuel these outlets that play the role of the ambiguity, mimicking journalistic conventions and mocking them by means of disinformation practices, with a particular focus on reframing social issues, progressive policies and measures to manage the pandemic." (Abstract)
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"Este estudio aborda el modo cómo la desinformación propalada principalmente a través de las redes sociales digitales, pero también en sitios web y medios periodísticos, ha contribuido a alimentar los conflictos y cómo éstos han dado lugar a más desinformación. Asimismo desentraña los prop
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ósitos de esos mensajes (difamar, desacreditar, engañar, atemorizar, incitar al odio y a la violencia, impidiendo el conocimiento y consideración de los problemas que dan lugar a los conflictos y de las posiciones e intereses de las partes involucradas), que generan un círculo vicioso muy dañino, lo cual es especialmente evidente en el caso de los temas políticos, que han adquirido un carácter transversal ya que atraviesan los distintos temas considerados en el análisis. La investigación muestra que el déficit de una cultura democrática y la polarización política son condiciones propicias para el crecimiento de la tarea desinformadora, influyendo de manera negativa sobre la opinión pública y haciendo víctimas tanto a los ciudadanos como al propio trabajo periodístico. Incluye referencias al necesario y valioso trabajo de las entidades verificadoras y pone de relieve la necesidad de desarrollar esfuerzos mancomunados para contar con información de calidad y confiable, fundamentales para la práctica de un periodismo de paz, sacando al ciudadano de la pasividad y empoderándolo en términos informativos." (Introducción, página 7-8)
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"La problemática de la Violencia contra la Mujer no es un tema de agenda prioritaria en los medios regionales analizados. Durante dos meses (Agosto y Setiembre 2022) 06 diarios regionales solo han publicado un total de 185 noticias sobre este tema, lo que equivale a que en dos meses cada diario ha
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publicado un promedio de 31 noticias. Esto no guarda relación con el hecho de que los casos de Violencia contra la Mujer siguen creciendo en todo el país. Más aun, donde a diferencia de años anteriores, la problemática de la pandemia COVID 19 se ha reducido sustancialmente, al punto que ya no es un tema prioritario que copa la agenda de los medios de comunicación a nivel nacional, y que, por el contrario, durante la pandemia, estos casos se han incrementado, especialmente en el caso de niñas y adolescentes." (Conclusiones, página 44)
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"The Strong Cities Network (SCN) conducted an online investigation into the scale and scope of Russian-language stigmatisation and abuse of Central Asian labour migrants. Through a mixed-methods approach that combined natural-language processing technology with manual qualitative research, the SCN w
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as able to identify key narratives and terminology used to dehumanise and ostracise Central Asians. This paper presents the SCN's findings and provides a series of recommendations for addressing anti-migrant hateful and polarising content online." (Executive summary)
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"In February 2022, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) took an unprecedented step, citing mis- and disinformation and the “politicization of science” as key barriers to action. For the first time, a document accepted by all Member Governments stated that rhetoric from “vested
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economic and political interests… undermines climate science” and in turn has driven “public misperception of climate risks and polarised public support for climate actions”. The diagnosis was explicit, and built on a growing body of evidence produced across the environmental and research sectors in recent years: to solve the climate crisis, we must also tackle the information crisis. Drawing on research compiled over the past 18 months, and especially in the margins and aftermath of COP26, we have clear evidence of the challenge at hand: the failure to stem mis- and disinformation online has allowed junk science, climate delayism and attacks on climate figures to become mainstreamed. Our analysis has shown how a small but dedicated community of actors boast disproportionate reach and engagement across social media, reaching millions of people worldwide and bolstered by legacy print, broadcast and radio outlets. Far from helping to mitigate this issue, tech platform systems appear to be amplifying or exacerbating the spread of such content. Moreover, the taxonomy of harm relating to climate mis- and disinformation has been poorly defined to date, providing an inadequate basis for response. This report is a collective effort to quantify the problem and establish concrete responses for the months and years ahead. It is a data-driven examination of the landscape, actors, systems and approaches that are combining to prevent action on climate." (https://www.isdglobal.org)
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"Es reconocida la influencia que tienen los medios de comunicación en la construcción y reproducción de estas representaciones sociales. Los contenidos comunicativos contribuyen a la creación o refuerzo de estereotipos, que en algunos casos generan valoraciones inadecuadas que fomentan la exclus
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ión o la estigmatización de determinados grupos poblacionales. Es por esto que la Comisión de Regulación de Comunicaciones - CRC - consideró primordial conocer los elementos que caracterizan a las representaciones sociales que se emiten en los contenidos audiovisuales, ya que los medios de comunicación y, en especial, la televisión tiene gran incidencia en la manera en que los colombianos nos identificamos y nos reconocemos cultural y socialmente. Por lo tanto, conocer los roles y los comportamientos que se les asignan a los diferentes grupos poblacionales en los contenidos televisivos es fundamental para evidenciar cómo la diversidad y el pluralismo son tenidos en cuenta en estos." (Introducción, página 4)
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"The aim of this article is to show to what extent alternative audio media can be built online, not only by amateurs but also as a combination of the energy and involvement of professional journalists and the community of listeners who are ready to support them [...] The podcast Raport o stanie swia
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ta and two Internet radio stations, Radio Nowy Swiat and Radio 357 from Poland, which are analysed in this article, were born in an act of protest against the negative changes in public service broadcasting, which became a propaganda tool. They are financed by listeners via the crowdfunding platform Patronite and do not broadcast advertising. A framework for analysing their functioning is devised using, in particular, theories of the public sphere and of alternative media. The study is based on content analysis of the call-in broadcasts disseminated for the first anniversary of the stations, Radio Nowy Swiat (April 16 and July 9, 2022) and Radio 357 (January 5, 2022). Pre-structured interviews with the patrons of Raport o stanie swiata are also used. Websites and social media accounts of these initiatives, as well as press coverage and data gathered by the National Broadcasting Council in relation to Polish Radio, are analysed as well. The research found that all three initiatives Raport o stanie swiata, Radio Nowy Swiat and Radio 357, despite being started by professionals, share some of the characteristics of alternative media and can significantly change the model of audio production, financing and consumption routines in Poland." (Abstract)
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"La recherche révèle que dynamiques intra et interprofessionnelles et relationnelles font émerger des journalismes aux visées ambigües et contrastées. D’une part, des accommodements politiques et financiers formels et informels mêlant sanctions non dites et récompenses conduisent certains
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journalistes à la pratique d’un journalisme de service assimilable au journalisme d’État expérimenté dans les décennies 1960-1990. D’autre part, des formes de résistance au journalisme d’État apparaissent faisant naître par moments des velléités d’un renouveau voire d’une révolution médiatique. Ce journalisme affranchi se définit comme un journalisme d’information n’ayant pour seules références éditoriales que les règles sacro-saintes du métier et l’intérêt général. In fine, le microcosme ‘’médias publics’’ évolue dans un environnement qui le contraint à une identité éditoriale ambigüe : il n’est ni un média de service public ni un média d’État stricto sensu." (Dos de couverture)
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"Iranian Feminism and Transnational Ethics in Media Discourse explores how U.S. news and social media discourse hierarchies overshadow transnational feminist politics and reinforce femonationalist narratives, thereby unpacking how protesters' voices on the ground are obscured in favor of elite sourc
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es who reaffirm U.S Islamophobia." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing on a content analysis of 263 news articles on US development assistance from 2011 to 2020 across three US media outlets, the study investigates the media's performance in covering and representing US development assistance to the public. The analysis reveals that the media focus their cover
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age of US development assistance based on geopolitical interests and high-profile stories of aid, and fail to critically and comprehensively follow up on them after their announcement. The media dominantly portrayed development assistance in terms of materialistic aid, uncritically justified as “doing good,” while attributing its de-legitimacy to the recipients’ inability and leaving the global North's dysfunctional aid system unquestioned. Such modernistic representation was further supported by the dominance of the Western voice in speaking about what development assistance is and why it matters. To promote better practices for “news about development,” the study suggests that journalism should pay critical attention to the political economy of development communication and adopt a postcolonial communication approach to decenter the hegemonic conventions of journalism grounded in Western experiences." (Abstract)
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"This research scrutinizes the content, spread, and implications of disinformation in Brazil’s 2018 pre-election period. It focuses specifically on the most widely shared fake news about Lula da Silva and links these with the preexisting polarization and political radicalization, ascertaining the
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role of context. The research relied on a case study and mixed-methods approach that combined an online data collection of content, spread, propagators, and interactions’ analyses, with in-depth analysis of the meaning of such fake news. The results show that the most successful fake news about Lula capitalized on prior hostility toward him, several originated or were spread by conservative right-wing politicians and mainstream journalists, and that the pro-Lula fake news circulated in smaller networks and had overall less global reach. Facebook and WhatsApp were the main dissemination platforms of these contents." (Abstract)
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"In this article, we analyze the spread of political disinformation in events of discursive struggles on Twitter, during the 2018 presidential election in Brazil. These were disputes for the hegemonic narrative between two stories based on opposed hashtags: one based on news from mainstream media an
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d the other, based on disinformation, mostly from hyperpartisan outlets. Our goal was to understand how hyperpartisan outlets created and shaped these discursive struggles and the strategies used to spread disinformation to create an “alternative narrative” to the facts. Our case study is focused on two discursive struggles, for which we will use critical discourse analysis and social network analysis. Our findings suggest that (1) the structure of the hashtag wars was very polarized and right-wing groups had higher exposure to hyperpartisan content and disinformation, while traditional media discourse circulates more among other different ideological clusters; (2) rightwing hyperpartisan media mostly used biased framing and polarized ideological discourse structure as manipulative strategies to reframe the events and create a counter-narrative (and thus, to create the dispute); and (3) opinion leaders were major spreaders of disinformation among far-right users, as they reinforced hyperpartisan content and became key actors in the discursive struggles (and thus, reinforced the dispute)." (Abstract)
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"First, disinformation is enabled by the Philippines' history of colonialism and martial law, high social media usage and low digital literacy, compounding crises, strongman governance, and sexist and misogynist rhetoric from elected leaders. While the first three factors create conditions that gene
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rally enable disinformation, the final two factors directly contribute to the prevalence of gendered disinformation. Second, disinformation is used as a tool to confuse, distract, revise, and discredit, with the aim of suppressing dissent. More critically, analysis of Twitter data indicates that disinformation used to discredit relies on the policing of gender to undermine political opposition. Third, thsi policing of gender results in the weaponization of gendered relationships, which encourages narratives that reinforce gender inequalities. Finally, illiberal actors benefit from an environment marked by gender inequality, as such conditions support hegemonic masculine norms, which in turn consolidate authoritarian power. As a result, President Duterte and his supporters benefit from disinformation that encourages gender inequality and pursue disinformation as a tactic for weakening democratic governance in the Philippines." (Executive summary)
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"This report strives to build awareness of the direct and indirect impacts of gendered and sexualized disinformation on women in public life, as well as its corresponding impacts on national security and democratic participation. In an analysis of online conversations about 13 female politicians acr
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oss six social media platforms [Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, New Zealand, Secretary of State for the Home Department Priti Patel, UK, Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland, Canada, and 10 US politicians], totaling over 336,000 pieces of abusive content shared by over 190,000 users over a two-month period, the report defines, quantifies, and evaluates the use of online gendered and sexualized disinformation campaigns against women in politics and beyond. It also uses three in-depth interviews and two focus groups to emphasize the impacts gendered abuse and disinformation have on women’s daily lives." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"The list of terms included in this lexicon, as well as their proposed meaning and contextualization, are not static. Instead, the lexicon is a ‘snapshot’ (in time and space) of how hateful language is used, perceived, and understood by those who contributed to the research process in Ethiopia b
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etween March and September 2020. How these terms are understood — their meanings, usage, and the assessment of their harmful nature — may evolve or change over time. The non-static nature of hateful language is in line with the sometimes abrupt changes that can occur in the context of conflict and the evolution of language over time in any society, including in Ethiopia. There is a significant subjective dimension to hateful language, and context can change the meaning of language used. The results of the research laid out in this lexicon should be approached as such." (Purpose, page 2)
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"This article explores the uses of sources in coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic in social media posts of mainstream news organizations in Brazil, Chile, Germany, Mexico, Spain, the U.K., and the U.S. Based on computational content analysis, our study analyzes the sources and actors present in more t
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han 940,000 posts on COVID-19 published in the 227 Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter accounts of 78 sampled news outlets between January 1 and December 31 of 2020, comparing their relative importance across countries, across media platforms, and across time as the pandemic evolved in each country. The analysis shows the dominance of political sources across countries and platforms, particularly in Latin America, demonstrating a strong role of the state in constructing pandemic news and suggesting that mainstream news organizations' social media posts maintain a strong elite orientation. Health sources were also prominent — consistent with the defining role of biomedical authority in health coverage—, while significant diversity of sources, including citizen sources, emerged as the pandemic went on. Our results also revealed that the use of specific sources significantly varied over time. These variations tend to go hand in hand with specific global milestones of the pandemic." (Abstract)
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