"An urgent finding of this first Fairwork Mexico report was impact platform work has on the physical and mental health of workers. Indeed, in megacities like Mexico City, and in urban environments marked by traffic congestion, pollution and fast-paced city life, workers’ bodies are being reduced t
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o an extension of the algorithm. Almost half of the workers we interviewed for this report reported that working for digital labour platforms affects them physically or mentally." (Editorial)
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"In 2023, Advancing Rights in Southern Africa (ARISA) through its consortium partner, Internews, undertook the most comprehensive review yet of laws affecting media practice and the freedom of expression, including cyber laws, penal codes, constitutions and acts of parliament, in the sixteen Souther
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n African Development Community (SADC) countries. The Information Ecosystem Analysis (IEA) provides an in-depth overview of the legal provisions that have been enacted or are in various stages of becoming laws in the region, and are being used by SADC governments to stifle and limit press freedom and public debate. Each of the sixteen SADC countries are included as individual country chapters in this report, providing country-specific legal analyses of the relevant Cyber security and related laws used by the respective country’s governments to stifle freedom of expression. The approach used by the researchers considered the legislative environment together with literature on the relevant topics, court cases and media reports about the application of specific laws and focused on incidents of where laws were used, dating from 2020 to present. The respective country analyses have been informed by extensive virtual interviews conducted with journalists, civil society representatives and academics in the region. Attention was also given to countries holding elections in 2023 and 2024." (Executive summary)
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"El libro “Pluralismo TV. Medición y análisis del pluralismo en la televisión chilena” busca contribuir al debate sobre el pluralismo mediático, revisando el marco jurídico nacional, proponiendo una operacionalización de la medición del pluralismo informativo en la televisión y discutien
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do los resultados de su aplicación. Se incluyen, también, recomendaciones para la implementación de las obligaciones legales sobre pluralismo y su traducción en políticas públicas que permitan una mayor democratización de la pantalla y de la industria televisiva. Esta obra es resultado de un trabajo interdisciplinario que surge de la intersección entre comunicaciones, las ciencias sociales y el derecho, abordando distintas facetas del problema: teórica, política, regulatoria, metodológica y empírica." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Kenya is the third most innovative economy in sub-Saharan Africa, behind Mauritius and South Africa. (Oxford Insights, 2022, pp.44-46). Therefore, this Artificial Intelligence Practitioners’ Guide (the Guide) has been developed to address AI’s disruption in the tech and legal sector in Kenya. T
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he guide highlights legal frameworks and policies enabling the development of AI-sensitive communities, with well-defined Kenyan-led and -owned entities, as a global node for AI and machine learning growth. It also provides a vehicle for formalizing an independent oversight/advisory body to foster Kenya-led AI and informs AI practitioners of relevant legislative, regulatory, and ethical frameworks. Further, it proposes legislative and regulatory reform to address barriers to AI for social good, thereby promoting a nurturing AI environment while safeguarding citizens‘ civil and privacy rights. The legal resource guide highlights best practices and key legislative, legal, and regulatory considerations for diverse stakeholders seeking to apply AI in Kenya. The Guide discusses the building blocks of AI and how to operate ethically while deploying innovations. It also seeks to help AI practitioners understand the landscape, and for local and international tech entities to tap into the existing talent for developing and deploying emerging technologies. Expectedly, this guide will catalyze innovation work in Kenya and its presence in global tech. It seeks to turn the fear of AI into a trust in its ability to deliver to a country where economic security, food security, and safety remain important realities especially to the most vulnerable." (Executive summary, pages 6-7)
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"Over the past few years, India has taken decisive steps to reduce its dependence on Chinese technology and investments. This was triggered by border skirmishes with China in 2020, but built on longstanding national security concerns about China, given the history of conflict between the two countri
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es. India has banned hundreds of Chinese apps like TikTok and UC Browser, restricted Chinese investments in Indian companies, and mandated that telecom infrastructure be from “trusted sources”, and tried to reduce the import of products from China. These actions have come along with active support and development of regulations in favour of domestic companies and innovation, a push for manufacturing in India, and global alliances to ensure that China doesn’t dominate emerging technologies. Not all of these moves have been successful: it hasn’t been able to address its trade gap with China, Chinese technology is still implemented in Indian telecom networks, and Indian alternatives to Chinese applications haven’t successfully replaced TikTok. India has, however, been opportunistic, and demonstrated agility in leveraging geopolitical developments to further its goals: there is a clear sense of direction in its approach. Its actions underscore striking a balance between economic gains and strategic interests. Thus far, the anti-China measures instituted by the Indian government haven’t gravely harmed India. They have benefitted a few Indian companies, and American companies even more so. The impact on trade has been minimal so far. It is, however, probably still too early to understand the full impact of these policies as the efforts are part of a long-term approach, but an approach that so far looks promising." (Executive summary)
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"This is neither the first nor the last study of disinformation. Yet it differs significantly from others in many regards. Firstly, it is the first and only study summarizing the state of disinformation in Southeast Europe. While regional studies abound, none so far has looked at all countries of th
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e region between the Danube and the Mediterranean in a single comprehensive analysis. Secondly, this volume not only generates a concise overview of disinformation in the SEE region, but does so by explaining specific case studies, addressing current questions, showing the sources, potential, consequences, forms, narratives and a variety of countermeasures against disinformation in the region at large. Hence, the study not only explains and demonstrates the negative effects of disinformation, but also strives to point to approaches on how different countries deal with disinformation and thus how societies can become more resilient against the manipulative use of information [...] To unify all case studies, the editors and authors of this volume agreed upon a common structure for the articles. This structure builds upon six analytical subcategories: (1) Terminology and definitions; (2) Audience and perspective; (3) Narratives, case studies and examples; (4) Media, sources, multipliers of disinformation; (5) Political context; (6) Countermeasures and resilience." (About this book, page 4)
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"Democracies must say no to the technologies, platforms, standards, and frameworks shrewdly proposed by China in various international fora and technical or standards bodies in order to make our Internet more like the one in China. Internet governance must be kept open and participatory for all stak
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eholders, not just governments. Research into and the development of privacy-preserving and anti-censorship technologies must be supported. A vision for a free and open global Internet must be integrated into future foreign policy formulation, not only because it should be, but also because China has already begun to integrate its own contrary vision." (Executive summary)
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"This policy paper highlights significant threats to press freedom in Kenya despite legal protections and media development progress. These challenges encompass various aspects, including legal, political, economic, and internal issues within the media industry. Both civil society and the internatio
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nal community, usually key defenders of press freedom, have faced limitations in their efforts to protect the media from these diverse challenges. The political environment poses significant challenges, with the government and politicians showing little tolerance for press freedom. Troublingly, government officials, including high-ranking figures, have been involved in attacks on journalists, raising concerns due to their influential positions. The government‘s manipulation of advertising exacerbates the assault on media freedom, as advertising revenue is crucial for media sustainability. Financial stability is essential for countering external pressures. The financial strain on media organizations has worsened due to Covid-19-related austerity measures, resulting in staff cuts, wage reductions, and limitations on content development. This financial hardship has driven government officials, advertisers, and media owners to exert control over media content, leading to self-censorship in newsrooms. To address these challenges and promote media freedom in Kenya, civil society and the international community must reengage actively. Their advocacy and support can counterbalance the identified challenges. Implementing the recommendations outlined below is crucial to improving the media landscape in Kenya and protecting press freedom." (Conclusions, page 14)
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"Martin Marinos applies a critical political economy approach to place Bulgarian right-wing populism within the structural transformation of the country’s media institutions. As Marinos shows, media concentration under Western giants like Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung and News Corporation have l
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ed to a neoliberal turn of commercialization, concentration, and tabloidization across media. The Right have used the anticommunism and racism bred by this environment to not only undermine traditional media but position their own outlets to boost new political entities like the nationalist party Ataka. Marinos’s ethnographic observations and interviews with local journalists, politicians, and media experts add on-the-ground detail to his account. He also examines several related issues, including the performative appeal of populist media and the money behind it." (Publisher description)
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"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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"This report examines the overall statistics of electronic and electrical equipment (EEE) placed on the market (POM) and e-waste generation in Botswana. The main findings indicate that 21 097 tonnes of EEE were placed on the market in Botswana in 2020 generated by demand from households and business
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es. In 2020, 13 494 tonnes of EEE became e-waste. The highest EEE POM recorded in the last 20 years rose to 24 742 tonnes in 2011. This may be attributed to a boom in construction and refurbishment of sporting facilities ignited by the 2010 World Cup hosted by neighbouring South Africa. In contrast, 2002 had the lowest recorded level of EEE POM. The main reason for the dip in this year is not yet known but it should be highlighted that the year 2002 saw the introduction of the use of the local Pula (BWP) currency from the previous South African Rand (ZAR) currency. The temperature exchange equipment category had the highest share for both POM and E-waste." (Executive summary)
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"Namibia currently lacks the capacity to monitor e-waste, which makes e-waste hard to track and hampers the setting and assessment of targets that are necessary to move to a more sustainable and circular economy. In line with policy objectives, a draft national policy on management of waste electric
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al electronic equipment (WEEE) was requested to help build a framework to assess baseline data on volumes of electrical and electronic equipment put on the market and e-waste generated, including types, routes and flows. Challenges encountered in Namibia including the lack of a quantification methodology, legislative processes, and the overall e-waste management are identified and a roadmap with recommendations on how to improve e-waste data quality and availability are presented in this report." (Executive summary)
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