"Across the types of issues that child protection workers were facing, forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse with an online element were indicated in 18% of their total caseloads. This means that one in five children they were supporting had related concerns. It is noted this was a convenienc
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e sample, and organisations supporting issues related to child abuse were targeted for participation in the survey, yet this is still a strong indication of the extent of this concern at the frontline. Under-reporting of child sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as the under-identification of the role of technology and the Internet in cases, may also be an issue. Girls were more frequently identified as being subjected to sexual exploitation and abuse online, with about 54% of workers saying that online forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse were emerging in ‘more than half’ of their cases with girls." (Key findings, page 9)
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"Es necesario que el Congreso de la República expida una ley en donde se de estabilidad y seguridad jurídica a las comunidades organizadas que prestan el servicio de radio comunitaria. En la actualidad está reglamentado mediante una Resolución Ministerial, la cual es fácilmente modificable por
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el ministro de turno. Dentro de ese marco normativo se deberían establecer los lineamientos de una política pública que contenga como mínimo lo siguiente: A) Inclusión de las campañas estatales de todos los niveles territoriales en los planes de medios de cada entidad con el fin de que se destinen recursos económicos a las radios comunitarias. La inclusión del servicio público de radiodifusión sonora comunitaria como proyecto estratégico para la democracia local y la participación ciudadana en los planes de desarrollo territorial; así se garantizaría el sostenimiento económico, sin que esto afecte la autonomía del medio [...] B) La duración de las concesiones no pueden ser inferiores a las establecidas para los demás servicios de telecomunicaciones; C) Tarifas diferenciales basadas en potencia y población para el cobro de los derechos de autor, que de todas maneras no sobrepase medio salario mínimo por anualidad. Actualmente se aproximan las tarifas a dos salarios mínimos en la anualidad, resultando más costoso que los pagos por uso del espectro; D) El Fondo del MinTIC debe destinar parte de sus recursos para apoyar a las comunidades organizadas concesionarias de emisoras comunitarias para la renovación de equipos y adecuaciones tecnológicas como es el caso de la conectividad." (Conclusiones y recomendaciones, página 33-34)
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"[...] almost all the media experts interviewed in the study identified “political and legal system,” “public attitude and relationship to media,” and “economic and ownership situation” to be the top three biggest obstacles to news media viability in Ethiopia. In fact, almost four-fifth
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of the respondents voted for “politics” to be ranked the biggest obstacle, while two-third voted for “public attitude and relationship to media,” and half of the experts cited “economic and ownership situation,” to be in the top three viability obstacles in the Ethiopian media environment. Experts understandably identified “political and legal system” as the most constricting challenge to news media institutions in Ethiopia since most of the problems faced by the media, or at least those in news headlines, were with the authorities and the law. However, subsequent scoring of the media viability indicators and aggregation of those scores to drive meaning has crystalized the fact that the most severe media viability challenges to the Ethiopian news media come not from “political and legal system,” or “economic and ownership situation,” but “technological situation of the country” and “general quality of content”. (Conclusion and recommendations, page 43)
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"New data sources related to socio-economic development should improve journalistic reporting. Still, despite an abundance of open data in Kyrgyzstan, journalists may face delays in getting quick access to important datasets. Goal: To facilitate the access to development-related information for jour
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nalists working with data on socio-economic issues, Zerkalo conducted a mapping study, identifying all the open data sources in Kyrgyzstan and putting together a comprehensive database. Methods: Relying on a two-stage desk research approach, the Zerkalo team constructed a database containing open data sources in Kyrgyzstan. The main data collection phase for the mapping study was conducted from February 14 to March 10, 2022. Overall, the research team examined 1986 hyperlinks to 131 websites, holding relevant datasets. As a result, Zerkalo identified 389 datasets on socio-economic themes, which were included in the database." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"Developed and delivered in 2021/2022, the Digital Media Arts for an inclusive Public Sphere (Digital MAPS) programme brought together three universities, a data science and software company, an international Digital Peacebuilding NGO, as well as 18 country-based media-arts initiatives, to explore l
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ocal responses to affective polarisation – defined as the increasing dislike, distrust, and animosity towards those from other cultural or identity-based groups. As you will read, through Digital MAPS, we worked with young leaders from the creative and media-arts sector, across eight countries in MENA (Libya, Palestine, Jordan, Yemen, Iraq, the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), Tunisia and Syria), providing them with the skills, resources and technology to understand polarisation and depolarisation approaches, conduct their own social media analysis and on the basis of this design and deliver pilot interventions to undercut affective polarisation - whether it be centred on gender, ethno-sectarian conflict, intergenerational conflict or hate speech in general. We hope the information contained here within, will be of interest to digital peacebuilding and digital cultural relations practitioners, policy makers and academics. More especially, we hope it can stimulate a conversation on the intersection between the two and the role of Cultural Relations in addressing the drivers that undermine it." (Introduction)
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"This report examines eight cases of police and/or judicial harassment targeting known Moroccan dissidents, and two cases targeting independent media institutions. The report examines in detail 12 cases tried by Morocco courts." (Methodology)
"This book provides a comprehensive approach of the media, journalism and politics in Sub-Saharan Francophone Africa. The author argues that there are common features that the media and journalism share in the seventeen countries of Francophone Africa and these make the local media systems different
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from what they are in neighboring English-speaking African countries, and in the rest of the world. The approach of the media in French-speaking Africa has not only to be “de-Westernized”, but also to step out of general overviews considering “African media." This project shows the historical, political, economic and sociological characteristics of the media systems of seventeen French-speaking countries of Africa." (Publisher description)
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"An international survey reveals that Internet users' trust on the Internet has dropped significantly since 2019. That is among the key findings of a 20-country Ipsos survey released by The New Institute in Hamburg, Germany. Only six in ten (63%) Internet users on average across the 20 countries sai
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d they trust the Internet. That is down 11 points since a similar survey was conducted in 2019. The singular exception is Japan, which showed a 7 percentage-point increase in trust. But Japan is the rare exception, as the findings reveal that Internet trust shrunk by double-digits in India (-10 points), Kenya (-11), Sweden (-10), Brazil (-18), Canada (-14), the United States (-12), and Poland (-26)." (Publisher description)
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"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"The book traces communication in Nigeria back to pre-colonial indigenous communication, through the development of telecommunication, broadcasting networks, the press, the Nigerian flm industry (‘Nollywood’) and on to the digital era. At a time when Western voices still dominate the academic li
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terature on communication in Africa, this book is noteworthy in drawing almost exclusively on the expertise of Nigeria-based authors, critiquing the discipline from their own lens and providing an important contribution to the decolonisation of communication studies. The authors provide a holistic analysis of the sector, encompassing print journalism, broadcast journalism, public relations, advertising, flm, development communication, organisational communication and strategic communication. Analysis of the role of digital technologies is woven throughout the book, concluding with a fnal section theorising the future of communication studies in Nigeria in light of the digital media revolution." (Publisher description)
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"This report presents findings from a country assessment undertaken to facilitate digital financial inclusion in Ethiopia and gives an overview of the current digital financial services landscape in the country. It also identifies some of the barriers to digital financial inclusion and suggests how
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they might be removed." (Executive summary)
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"L’État peine à protéger les journalistes. Les attaques contre eux sont fréquentes et leurs auteurs sont rarement traduits en justice. Une insécurité qui renforce la précarité des journalistes, par ailleurs peu rémunérés, pas toujours formés, et souvent contraints d’exercer simultan
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ment d’autres activités professionnelles. Cette étude présente des éléments à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs significatifs : Le réseau de la téléphonie mobile se démarque par sa pleine expansion qui, de 6 % en 2006, atteint aujourd’hui près de 95% de la population. De deux chaînes en 1986, la Télé Haïti et la Télévision Nationale d’Haïti (TNH), le pays est passé à environ 150 chaines aujourd’hui. En 2016, l’organe de régulation a recensé 697 stations de radio sur la bande FM dont 350 illégales. Dans le département de l’ouest, le cadran est saturé à hauteur de 158%. De nombreux facteurs concourent à entraver l’accès à l’information de tous les groupes sociaux. L’absence de statut légal place les radios communautaires dans une grande précarité. Des organisations de la société civile travaillent activement à rendre visible les groupes marginalisés et à élargir leur accès à l’information." (Résumé exécutif)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Afghanistan, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in developmen
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t work, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing1) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This report focuses on Beijing's efforts to control domestic reporting by resident foreign journalists. It is based on interviews conducted by the IFJ in December 2021 with 19 current or recent correspondents from nine countries, who work across print and broadcast and whose experience in China ran
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ges from a couple of years to several decades. It also draws from Locked Down or Kicked Out, the Foreign Correspondents Club of China's 2021 Media Freedoms Report, and earlier FCCC annual reports based on surveys of the club's roughly 190 members. The research finds that China uses a wide range of coercive methods to control foreign journalistsf reporting. These include: outright expulsions, plus threats that make journalists feel compelled to leave; denials and delays in the granting of visas so that journalists are unable to start work on schedule or must live from one short-term visa to another, unsure if they will be there the following month; lighter scrutiny of journalists from nations viewed as 'friendly' or 'unimportant', although Beijing's attitude fluctuates according to political relations between China and the home country; lawsuits alleging breaches of reporting protocols, such as identifying oneself as a journalist, which carry the risk of being refused an exit visa until the case is resolved [...]" (Executive summary)
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"The research data reveal that Sudan at the time had at least 10 media-related laws in place that do not meet international standards. At the same time, the country had the benefit of an infrastructure of 30 institutions offering media education and training. Sudan has an opportunity to restructure
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its media system to align with international standards on freedom of expression and the press, the safety of journalists, as well as pluralism. To support this, the current report has formulated recommendations for stakeholders’ consideration. These possibilities for reform cover independent media regulation, the promotion of media pluralism and the improvement of the economic playing field." (Short summary)
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"Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996–2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government.
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Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Since the two decades of war after 9/11, media have still been maintaining its responsibility in Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists." (Abstract)
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"Although some planned reforms announced since 2017 concerning the rights to freedom of expression and others are yet to be finalized, the report finds that the media environment has improved considerably since the new government came into power. In the context of a rising internet penetration rate,
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reportedly from 17% in 2015 to 51% in 2022, direct censorship of the internet has ceased and online information is better accessible. Journalists generally rate their current situation as relatively safe. Public trust in the media has generally improved since the new democratic dispensation. Although there is a slow pace of legal reform, there is however cautious optimism about government’s commitment to repeal laws inherited from the previous regime." (Short summary)
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"El Salvador’s experiment, though mired with fiscal and political issues from before, has shown that the adoption of public blockchain assets like Bitcoin are not taken in good regard by legacy financial multilateral institutions and are seen with great skepticism and concern. Although the adoptio
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n of Chivo has been impressive as a platform, bitcoin payments even for remittances are still not the majority. The separation of state and money, if it happens, will be an uphill and contradictory battle, especially if El Salvador’s government fails to properly manage the experiment. Central America is interestingly home to a wide array of financial systems as of the writing of this paper. Four of its countries have their own currency and Central Banks: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras. El Salvador has a Central Bank of Reserve which does not issue money but does manage the country’s reserves, serves as lender of last resort, and now has anointed Bitcoin as legal tender alongside the dollar. Panama does not have a central bank at all, uses the USD as subsidiary legal tender with substantial monetary freedom and is considering cryptoassets in general as means of payment and not legal tender. El Salvador’s results in the next 5-10 years and possible steps by other countries in the region will determine whether non-state-issued crypto assets could viably become functional legal tender in countries and whether relatively poor and small countries can lead the way in financial and regulatory innovation or if they will have to remain followers of the rest of the developed world." (Conclusion)
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"Este libro se lee con mucha facilidad y nos describe con gran amplitud y rigurosidad investigativa ese paisaje mediático de la ciudad, donde conviven la expresión pública, la comercial y la comunitaria. Es un texto que nos cuenta que la radio sigue vigente y muy presente en la vida de la gente,
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pero igualmente advierte que ella existirá y será más fuerte mientras hable menos y escuche más a su audiencia." (Óscar Pérez, Página 6)
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"With people living longer all over the world, ageing has been framed as a socio-economic problem. In Brazil, older people are expected to remain healthy and autonomous while actively participating in society. Based on ethnographic research in São Paulo, Ageing with Smartphones in Urban Brazil show
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s how older people in a middle-class neighbourhood conciliate these expectations with the freedom and pleasures reserved for the Third Age. Work is what bonds this community together, providing a sense of dignity and citizenship." (Publisher description).
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