"The OECD Policy Framework on Digital Security helps policy makers understand the economic and social dimension of cybersecurity, raises their awareness about the OECD approach to digital security policy, and encourages them to make use of OECD digital security recommendations to develop better poli
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cies. The Framework provides a helpful narrative based upon OECD digital security recommendations and identifies linkages with other policy areas addressed through existing OECD standards and tools." (Foreword, page 3)
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"With the growth of new social media users across the Sahel, existing conflict dynamics are increasingly manifesting. Sahelians are entering a complex digital space. The ability of individuals and communities to adapt to online/offline conflict dynamics will define the future of conflict in the regi
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on. Search for Common Ground convened West African academics and practitioners in Bamako, Mali in October 2021, to analyze conflict trends and opportunities for peacebuilding in digital spaces in the central Sahel region (Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger)." (At a glance, page 1)
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"This is the final report in Pollicy's three-part series on African Women in AI. Launched in 2021, this project frames analysis of the state of artificial intelligence (AI) in Africa through a gender lens by exploring the impact of AI on women. This project emerged out of the need to fill the visibl
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e gap in conversations surrounding the impact of AI in Africa on women and promoting the inclusion and representation of African women and the associated challenges." (Executive summary)
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"Im Jahr 2022 richten 13 Organisationen aus Umweltschutz, Digitalpolitik, Entwicklungspolitik und Wissenschaft gemeinsam mit einer engagierten Community die zweite Konferenz für Digitalisierung und Nachhaltigkeit »Bits & Bäume« aus. Denn wir sind überzeugt: Es braucht politische Veränderungen,
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damit die Digitalisierung besser zum drängenden sozialen und ökologischen Wandel beiträgt. Uns vereint ein integratives Verständnis von Nachhaltigkeit sowie der Wille, eine Zukunft zu gestalten, in der der digitale Wandel eine positive Rolle einnimmt und Mensch, Lebensgrundlagen und Umwelt unterstützt und schützt. Gemeinsam fordern wir die Bundesregierung, die Europäische Union und politische Akteure weltweit dazu auf, unsere Forderungen zügig umzusetzen. Uns ist bewusst, dass die Forderungen nicht alle politischen Veränderungen abdecken, die erforderlich sind, um eine transformative, nachhaltige Digitalisierung zu gestalten, daher müssen gemeinsam mit der Expertise der Zivilgesellschaft weitere Maßnahmen entwickelt werden." (Präambel)
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"[...] Durch ausführliche Interviews mit Redaktionsmitgliedern und (Digital-)Verantwortlichen bei ARD und ZDF kann er [ = der Autor dieser Studie] ein detailliertes Bild ihrer gegenwärtigen Social-Media-Praxis zeichnen. Das Dilemma wird deutlich: Eine Orientierung der redaktionellen Tätigkeiten a
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n algorithmischen Funktionsweisen und Konventionen der Plattformen findet auf allen Ebenen statt. Formatentwicklung, Darstellungsweisen und Inhalte werden (unterschiedlich stark) daran ausgerichtet. Auch die Kommunikation mit den Nutzer:innen orientiert sich an den Prinzipien der Netzwerke. „Wir wissen, dass es dem Algorithmus auch gefällt“, ist eine vielsagende Begründung in einem der Interviews für die intensive Interaktion der Redaktion mit dem Publikum. Kennzahlen der Plattformen (wie Abrufzahlen) sind im Redaktionsalltag stets präsent und werden als ‚Währungen‘ akzeptiert. Für den Autor Eichler bedarf es mehrerer Ansätze, um auch zukünftig Qualitätsjournalismus in digitalen Medienumgebungen für alle zu sichern. Redaktionen und Medienhäuser sind in der Pflicht, verbindliche Leitlinien für öffentlich-rechtlichen Journalismus in sozialen Netzwerken aufzustellen. Zugleich muss der Ausbau unabhängiger und nicht-kommerzieller Plattformen und eine stärkere Regulierung der Netzwerke und ihrer Algorithmen vorangetrieben werden. Die Medienstaatssekretärin in Rheinland-Pfalz, Heike Raab, sagte kürzlich, die Medien seien „zu wichtig, um sie den Algorithmen und den Gesetzen des Marktes zu überlassen“. Der Markt (und Musk) mögen ARD und ZDF nicht kaufen können, über die Algorithmen aber üben sie erheblichen Einfluss auf deren journalistische Arbeit aus. Stiftung und Autor hoffen, dass die Studie die Debatte darüber stärkt, wie die Unabhängigkeit der öffentlich-rechtlichen Medien nachhaltig gewährleistet werden kann." (Vorwort)
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"The OECD convened a first-of-its kind international partnership on behavioural science and misinformation between the Canadian and the French governments to develop and disseminate behaviourally-informed and evidence-based solutions that can guide government response to misinformation. The study te
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sted 1,872 Canadians’ intentions to share false COVID-related headlines online with two behavioural interventions: an accuracy evaluation prompt and digital media literacy prompt. The data generated by this partnership show that the digital media literacy tips reduced intentions to share fake news online by 21% compared to the control group – having the greatest impact on online users. These insights can enable policy makers to enact measures that defend and empower online users against environments designed to exploit certain natural but maladaptive tendencies and place the control back into the hands of online users. Relying solely on traditional top-down approaches that aim to regulate content are insufficient at limiting the immediate dangers of misinformation. Innovative policy-making tools such as behavioural science can help provide immediate and long-term solutions to misinformation and should be considered as part of a holistic and comprehensive strategy to offset the threats of misinformation. Governments should conduct rigorous policy experiments in collaboration with other countries, like the one presented here, before enacting policy that affects a larger population to address the crossborder nature of misinformation." (Key policy messages, page 4)
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"This paper examines responses to disinformation, in particular those involving automated tools, from a human rights perspective. It provides an introduction to current automated content moderation and curation practices, and to the interrelation between the digital information ecosystem and the phe
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nomenon of disinformation. The paper concludes that an unwarranted use of automation to govern speech, in particular highly context-dependent disinformation, is neither in line with states’ positive obligation to protect nor with intermediaries’ responsibility to respect human rights. The paper also identifies required procedural and remedial human rights safeguards for content governance, such as transparency, user agency, accountability, and independent oversight. Though essential, such safeguards alone appear insufficient to tackle COVID-19 online disinformation, as highly personalized content and targeted advertising make individuals susceptible to manipulation and deception. Consequently, this paper demonstrates an underlying need to redefine advertising- and surveillance-based business models and to unbundle services provided by a few dominant internet intermediaries to sustainably address online disinformation." (Abstract)
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"[...] Since returning to power in August 2021, the Taliban has imposed a new media control regime, which has three key features: restriction, gender-discrimination, and repression with impunity. First, the Taliban has passed several media policies, imposing extreme constraints on press freedom and
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media rights. Any sort of critical reporting on topics related to the government or the public is banned. The Taliban regulate the content of publications and broadcasts, imposing broad, vaguely worded prohibitions. For example, under the new regulations, media content that contradicts “Islamic values,” “Afghan values,” and “public interest” is prohibited. No operational definitions have been provided for these terms, nor an objective standard for assessing and determining breach. This has caused uncertainty and confusion about what the media can and cannot publish and broadcast, often resulting in precautionary media self-censorship. The new rules also give the Taliban sweeping powers to directly control the media and news output, barring broadcast and publication of matters and content that has not been officially sanctioned by Taliban official/s. These restrictions and interferences limit the right and ability of the Afghan media to seek, receive and impart information freely and independently.
Second, the Taliban has passed policies specifically targeting Afghan women in the media. These restrictions give the Taliban control over women’s attire and the nature and scope of their involvement in the media, restraining their freedom of expression and movement, as well as their ability to perform their tasks effectively. The general travel restrictions on women and girls make it almost impossible for women to work, in particular, limiting the ability of female journalists from gathering information or contributing to field reporting. The Taliban’s antiwomen media policies and practices are aimed towards excluding Afghan women from the media and public life.
Third, the Taliban treats the Afghan media and media-related affairs as a security threat. The Taliban security and intelligence agencies are increasingly involved in controlling media affairs. Taliban operatives use repressive measures against members of the Afghan media in claiming to enforce the new regulations. Afghan journalists and other members of the media have been subjected to heavy surveillance, intimidation, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Cases of beatings, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings have also taken place." (Executive summary, pages 1-2)
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"This paper explores the instances and circumstances under which the media community in Kenya has closely worked with the government to introduce media reforms though new legislation and related policies. It focuses on changes that have been enacted over the last decade and, in particular, those aim
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ed at responding to challenges related to media viability. The study also explores media-exclusive initiatives that have indirectly influenced policy on the media market." (Introduction, page 2)
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"In light of the role played by state-aligned actors, the private sector and lawmakers in countries with strong democratic institutions should adopt policies that mitigate the ability of state actors to manipulate AI and weaponize communication platforms. Efforts to combat disinformation must recogn
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ize that a range of private companies beyond just tech firms are implicated in information manipulation and must put safeguards in place. For example, registration and financing limits on paid PR firms, domestic and foreign, and better oversight by tech platforms on how their platforms are used by state actors is essential. Furthermore, greater transparency about all types of advertising and paid content promotion is needed, not just about political advertising in a handful of Western countries. This could be implemented through existing election laws and paid advertising regulations [...] Any meaningful efforts to combat disinformation will need to address the politicization of social media manipulation and influence operations, and their integration into electoral politics. Lawmakers should implement restrictions on the use of moderation mercenaries, black PR firms, and social media manipulation by those entrusted with public office. Countries should not only require great transparency for the platforms themselves, but should also practice what they preach by adopting transparency requirements for state and government entities related to advertising and outreach on social media and messaging platforms. Tech platforms must reduce the profitability of intentional and opportunistic disinformation efforts, including by reducing the prevalence and ease of plagiarism or the “recycling” of news content for clickbait. Reducing the economic incentives for click-bait, "churnalism", and regurgitated journalistic content would help deter the profit-driven non-ideological actors in these disinformation networks." (Conclsuions and recommendations, page 24-25)
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"1. Pakistan has experienced and responded to floods for decades: support and build on existing systems, networks and experiences that are widely trusted [...] 2. People need information now, to make critical decisions for themselves and their families and to protect what they still have [...] 3. Ca
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sh is likely to be the primary response to the floods: invest early in communication and community engagement to increase its impact [...] 4. Diversifying languages will be key [...] 5. Understand how information flows to, from and within communities: no two individuals are the same, so be sure to explore different ways to reach people [...] 6. Remember that it is easy to exclude people from communication: pay special attention to the needs of vulnerable and marginalised groups." (Pages 2-6)
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"Russia and China have created and amplified disinformation and propaganda about COVID-19 worldwide to sow distrust and confusion and to reduce social cohesion among targeted audiences. The United States government, the European Union, and multinational organizations have developed a series of inter
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ventions in response. These include exposing disinformation, providing credible and authoritative public health information, imposing sanctions, investing in democratic resilience measures, setting up COVID-19 disinformation task forces, addressing disinformation through regulatory measures, countering emerging threat narratives from Russia and China, and addressing the vulnerabilities in the information and media environment. Digital platforms, including Twitter, Meta, YouTube, and TikTok, have stepped up to counter COVID-19 disinformation and misinformation via policy procedures, takedowns of inauthentic content, addition of new product features, and partner with civil society and multinational organizations to provide credible and reliable information to global audiences. In addition, digital platforms are addressing COVID-19-related disinformation and misinformation stemming from a variety of state and non-state actors, including China and Russia. Several of these initiatives have proven to be effective, including cross-sectoral collaboration to facilitate identification of the threat; enforcement actions between civil society, governments, and digital platforms; and investment in resilience mechanisms, including media literacy and online games to address disinformation. Despite some meaningful progress, gaps in countering COVID-19 disinformation and propaganda stemming from Russia and China and unintentional misinformation spread by everyday citizens still exist. Closing these gaps will require gaining a deeper understanding of how adversaries think; aligning and refining transatlantic regulatory approaches; building coordination and whole-of- society information-sharing mechanisms; expanding the use of sanctions to counter disinformation; localizing and contextualizing programs and technological solutions; strengthening societal resilience through media, digital literacy, and by addressing digital authoritarianism; and building and rebuilding trust in democratic institutions." (Executive summary)
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"[This is] a series of short issue briefs for funders on potential priority areas for funding activities or initiatives that would bring the work of digital rights organisations and environmental justice actors closer together. Each brief states the key problem from the perspective of the APC networ
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k, suggests mechanisms or processes for engagement and actors we feel are worth engaging, and includes specific recommendations for donors." (Overview, page 3)
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"This report examines the widespread use of encrypted messaging apps (EMAs) in developing countries and emerging democracies has prompted news outlets in these regions to experiment with them as mechanisms for distributing the news. From news products designed specifically for sharing via EMAs to pr
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ivate channels used to circumvent restrictions in repressive media environments, media outlets are testing how best to use these apps to reach audiences even in the face of technical challenges, resource demands, and sometimes, political pressure. The document concludes that a) news outlets are turning to EMAs to reach new audiences and to bypass state censorship in authoritarian contexts; b) many newsrooms are experimenting with monetizing EMA content, however, it is still too early to tell whether EMAs can provide a reliable revenue stream; c) platform dependency is a big issue when it comes to using EMAs for news-policy changes can have a big impact on how news outlets interact with their audiences." (Publisher description)
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"Digital transformation must be made more inclusive if it is to contribute to realizing the SDGs. Deeper, fairer and inclusive digital transformation means that countries will enjoy important economic and social benefits, thus unlocking new opportunities, supporting economic growth, reducing poverty
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, improving public service delivery, and accelerating social protection programmes. This policy brief has offered inspiration from around the world. But ultimately, each country must take its own path. And while governments can act as stewards of digital transformation, all parts of society must collaborate for the greatest chance of success. Accelerating inclusive digital transformation demands a portfolio of interventions, and a holistic, whole-of-society approach to delivering them. This brief has outlined ten good practices that, when leveraged effectively, can set digital transformation efforts up for success. These practices should be selected carefully based on each country’s context - it is just as important for countries to decide what they will not focus on, because if everything is a priority then nothing is." (Conclusion, page 29)
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