"This book provides a comprehensive approach of the media, journalism and politics in Sub-Saharan Francophone Africa. The author argues that there are common features that the media and journalism share in the seventeen countries of Francophone Africa and these make the local media systems different
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from what they are in neighboring English-speaking African countries, and in the rest of the world. The approach of the media in French-speaking Africa has not only to be “de-Westernized”, but also to step out of general overviews considering “African media." This project shows the historical, political, economic and sociological characteristics of the media systems of seventeen French-speaking countries of Africa." (Publisher description)
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"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"The results of this dissertation suggest that most Russians are aware, at least to some degree, of the biases of state media. Nonetheless, they still consider these sources to provide valuable information. This, in part, stems from beliefs about the access these news outlets have to information and
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some distrust in available alternative sources. It is not the case that Russians are generally active supporters of the kinds of censorship that state news outlets deploy. However, concerns about censorship must be traded off against news consumers' other priorities. In some circumstances, news audiences will even prefer a degree of censorship if information is framed as a threat to social stability. Overall, state news outlets have succeeded in producing a product that many Russian news consumers genuinely value, even if the contents are subject to bias and distortion. Russian news audiences and the content of state media to be interesting, important, and relevant. It encourages positive emotions such as pride and hope. It a rms those who are deeply attached to their Russian identity and feel positively about their leaders." (Abstract)
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"Public service media (PSM) are widely acknowledged as part of the variety of solutions to disinformation. The remit of PSM, formed around values of universality, equality, diversity, accuracy and quality, implies a responsibility to fight disinformation by producing fact-based news content and find
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ing anti-disinformation solutions. In this article, we introduce a framework for assessing how PSM organizations are able to counter disinformation in different contexts. Our normative framework provides a triangulation of contextual factors that determine the role of the PSM organization in the national environment, the activities carried out to fight disinformation and expert assessments of the potential of PSM to reduce the impact of disinformation. The framework is illustrated with analyses of PSM from the Czech Republic (CZE), Finland, Spain and the United Kingdom (UK)." (Abstract)
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"This study examines whether and how public media systems contribute to the health of democracies in 33 countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, the Middle East, Latin America, and South America. We gather national economic data and public media funding levels, audience shares, and regulato
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ry data, primarily for 2018 and 2019 but in some cases earlier, due to lack of available data. We then assess correlations with strength of democracy indices and extend Hallin and Mancini's typology of North American and European media systems through hierarchical cluster analysis of these 33 countries. We find five models of public media systems around the world, ranging from “state-administered” systems with low levels of independence (Botswana and Tunisia) to systems aligning with Hallin and Mancini's “Democratic Corporatist” model, with strong and secure (multiyear) funding, large audience shares, and strong regulatory protection for their independence. In between, we identify three mixed models: a “Liberal-Pluralist” model, a “Direct Funding” model, and a “Commercial–Public” model. Correlations and cluster analyses show that high levels of secure funding for public media systems and strong structural protections for the political and economic independence of those systems are consistently and positively correlated with healthy democracies." (Abstract)
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"Public service journalism draws its legitimacy from a strong connection with the public. The EBU News Report 2021-22 highlights how today’s public service media organisations go about building and strengthening this connection while dealing with a variety of challenges. In three parts and 16 case
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studies it discusses, first, the political and economic pressures under which public service media are operating, second, new and innovative ways of connecting with audiences, and third, approaches newsroom leaders can take to tackle challenges they encounter in their daily operations. The report is solution-oriented and provides ideas on how to move forward. It is based on more than 40 interviews with media leaders, experts, and academics from the public service media community and beyond and draws on the latest research." (Executive summary)
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"Fruit de la coopération bilatérale entre la République arabe libyenne et la République de Guinée, la Télévision nationale est née le 14 mai 1977. À cette époque, le petit écran était encore un luxe que beaucoup de pays africains n’arrivaient pas à s’offrir. La coopération multilat
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érale accompagne depuis notre média audiovisuel public, qui est devenu un puissant moyen de communication de masse. Aux côtés du Gouvernement guinéen, la République fédérale d’Allemagne, la France, le Japon, la République populaire de Chine et l’Union européenne, entre autres partenaires, ont aidé la télévision guinéenne à traverser le temps pendant ses quarante premières années. En dépit de ce long parcours, force est de reconnaître qu’il reste encore beaucoup de défis majeurs à relever." (Dos de couverture)
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"This book gives an overview of public service media in South East Europe; referring to the ten countries, which the Media Programme of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung covers. From Croatia to North Macedonia and Bulgaria to the Republic of Moldova, liberalised media markets have emerged following the c
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ollapse of socialism and its state-controlled media systems. State broadcasters have become public service media. For the first time, essential information about individual public broadcasters is being gathered. Media experts from the respective countries write, among other things, about the history, the legal framework, the financing model and organisational structures in place. The chapters are supplemented with the results of a recent representative opinion poll commissioned by the Media Programme and conducted by the research institute Ipsos. We have asked the same six questions in all ten countries. In the results summarised for the entire region, two answers are very clear: almost 70 percent of respondents say that public service media are important for democracy. Unfortunately, almost 65 percent see these channels under political influence. In South Europe, in particular, this discrepancy becomes visible and audible at demonstrations when people take to the streets against their government. Then usually public service media are focus of protests and have been criticised as mouthpieces of the government." (Preface)
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"There is seething unrest in South East Europe and immediately it is called ”Balkan Spring.” Many people are protesting in the capitals of Serbia, Montenegro, Albania and Croatia out of dissatisfaction with their governments. This frustration is targeted towards the media in these countries as w
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ell – especially the public service media which are frequently considered a mouthpiece of the government. The protesters therefore call for resignation of the general directors of the broadcasters." (Page 1)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"This report reflects a shared ambition to lead the way in achieving gender equality in the media workplace, recognizing that the very existence of PSM relies on its ability to: accurately reflect the experiences of the audiences it serves; increase innovation and productivity through the building o
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f diverse teams; attract and retain the best talent from the available global pool. EBU data shows that Members have different starting points and are facing different challenges. However, an increasing number are making gender equality a priority and achieving impressive results, leading to a change in their cultures. This report stresses particularly the importance of working toward a sustainable culture in which women and men have equal opportunities to progress. The recommendations in this report are supported throughout with actionable tips and case studies from EBU Members. These narratives provide an opportunity to learn from each other and to identify practical steps that other media organizations can take. The report explores thoroughly the strategies that underpin a gender-equal media organization: workplace data and staff feedback to diagnose the issues; effective workplace policy to support equality of opportunity; and enabling a positive workplace culture through flexibility, leadership and behaviours to retain talent." (Executive summary)
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"The Media Programme South East Europe of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) has taken a closer look at the current situation and developments of public service media in South East Europe the last couple of months. In a current representative opinion poll, over 10 000 people from all ten countries,
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which are covered by the Media Programme, were interviewed. How important do people find public service media for democracy? How much do they trust them? How should they be financed and what content shall be broadcast? And are PSM considered politically independent? [...] Hereinafter you’ll find the summarised results for the entire region and some special findings for the individual countries." (Page 1)
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"Die vorliegende Studie kommt zu dem Schluss, dass der öffentliche Rundfunk bezüglich einiger, aber nicht bezüglich aller Merkmalen der Vorstellung eines «Media Commons» entspricht. Sollten sich öffentliche Rundfunkorganisationen also als «Media Commons» beschreiben wollen, müssten sie zuer
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st die Merkmale weiterentwickeln, bei denen sie als «Grenzfall» oder «Tragödie» evaluiert wurden. Bereits jetzt dürfte es aber in den meisten untersuchten Ländern schwierig werden, eine andere Medienorganisation auf nationaler Ebene zu finden, die dem Ideal einer gesellschaftlichen Medienorganisation näherkommt als der öffentliche Rundfunk. Öffentliche Rundfunkorganisationen sind jedoch, wie hier abschließend kurz gezeigt wird, vielerorts unter Druck, eingespart zu werden. Obwohl diese Einsparungen durch Parteien und Regierungen beschlossen werden, sind alle Gesellschaftsmitglieder – also alle «Media Commoners» – indirekt dafür mitverantwortlich." (Ausblick, Seite 241-242)
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"Los medios con mayor presencia en los hogares son la televisión (100%) y la radio (91%). En tercer lugar se destaca la tenencia de celular multimedia (82%), equipo con una marcada tendencia creciente comparado con resultados de estudios anteriores. También se observa una marcada tendencia crecien
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te en la tenencia de internet, de 43% en 2015 a 69% en 2019, con mayor presencia en Lima (86%) y en el ámbito urbano (79%). A nivel de provincias se destacan Arequipa, Cajamarca, Chimbote, Cusco, Huancayo, Ica y Tacna con más de 50% de tenencia [...] La televisión es el medio más utilizado, tanto en un día típico de lunes a viernes (99%) como durante el fin de semana (97%). A nivel de las ciudades evaluadas, el porcentaje de quienes indican verla es elevado, entre 89% y 100% de lunes a viernes y de 79% a 100% en el fin de semana. También es el medio al que se le dedica mayor cantidad de horas al día. El segundo lugar de uso corresponde a la radio, aunque seguido muy de cerca por internet. Pero cuando se consulta por el tiempo que se le dedica en un día típico, tanto de lunes a viernes como en el fin de semana, el orden se invierte." (Página 7-9)
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"The present paper builds on the findings of the previous MedMedia report (Dabbous 2015) by tracking the legal changes that occurred between early 2015 and early 2018. Whenever there are recent legal changes related to broadcasting in general, such changes are mentioned and evaluated. The objective
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is to provide a critical overview of the state of public service broadcasting and the new regulatory reforms introduced since early 2015, in order to assess the impact of the Arab Spring (directly or indirectly) on the nature and performance of the public broadcasting sector in the Southern Mediterranean region, and the extent to which the wheels that were set in motion in 2011 have resulted in an improved and more democratic public broadcasting sector in these countries – one in which the notion of “the public” is supposed to be at the core of the reform endeavor. The structure of the paper follows largely that of the 2015 MedMedia report on public service broadcasting, covering legal reform in each of the Arab countries in the South Mediterranean separately. However, only 5 of the original 8 countries included in the 2015 report are the focus of the present update: Egypt, Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, and Morocco." (Page 3)
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"The Center for Media, Data and Society has curated a series of lectures addressing the challenges and the future of public media titled Public Media Institutions at a Crossroads: Visions, Strategies, Tactics. The speakers and themes have included a multi-dimensional outlook on what PSM institutions
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, and public media more generally, are and can be [...] This white paper is an extended reflection on the theme of the speaker series, focusing on a specific challenge for public service media: “fake news” and disinformation, or more broadly, the current “information disorder”. The paper draws from the outlined problems and threats, as well as opportunities, strategies, and tactics discussed in the above presentations when documenting how PSM institutions around Europe have tackled the challenge. The paper builds on a background report (April 2018) for the ongoing work by the Council of Europe." (Pages 3-5)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi
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ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, page 6)
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