"In this report, GlobalWebIndex offers a unique perspective on day-to-day media consumption behaviors by age and across 41 markets – analyzing how much time people are spending online, tracking the types of media they are consuming and assessing the share of time spent on digital versus traditiona
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l forms of television and print press." (Introduction)
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"The complexity and duration of the so-called ‘European refugee crisis’ created a climate of uncertainty, which left ample room for mass media to shape citizens’ understanding of what the arrival of these refugees meant for their respective country. This study analyses the national media disco
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urses in Hungary, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom and Spain for this time period. Applying Latent Dirichlet Allocation topic modelling in five languages and based on N=130,042 articles from 24 news outlets, we reveal country-specific media frames to track the overall course of the refugee debate and to uncover dynamics and shifts in discourses. While results show similarities across countries, due to media coverage responding to real-world developments, there are differences in media framing as well. Possible sources of these differences such as countries’ geographic location or status as receiving country are discussed." (Abstract)
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"Este artigo integra pesquisas desenvolvidas em minha tese de doutoramento “A Educomunicação no Diretório de Comunicação da Igreja no Brasil: aprendizagem em perspectiva”, defendida junto à Universidade de São Paulo. Aqui apresentamos os documentos específicos produzidos pelas três prim
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eiras Conferências Episcopais a avançarem no campo da comunicação no mundo católico. Buscamos tecer análise comparativa entre esses documentos, delineando contribuições que cada uma e o conjunto dessas produções trazem para o campo da comunicação e a prática pastoral da Igreja Católica na Itália, no Brasil e no Caribe." (Resumo)
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"In their postwar, postindependence, and post-Soviet moments, why did two neighbors, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, who share cultural, linguistic, and historical similarities, take radically divergent paths in the development of their mass media, public sphere, and democracy? In this article, I argue
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against the popular sentiment that the reason for their striking post-9/11 disparities—namely Afghanistan’s relatively open and diverse media environment and Tajikistan’s repressive media regime—is that Afghanistan remains under the purview of influence and development aid of the United States and, conversely, Tajikistan is still under Russian control. Using case examples from my fieldwork in both countries, I demonstrate that the fact that Afghanistan is not unilaterally under the influence of U.S. aid is precisely why Afghanistan has not yet fallen down the slippery slope of commercialization, and its media world remains vibrant and viable, albeit fragile." (Abstract)
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"The analyzed studies and surveys reflect some common trends concerning changing news habits in Europe. First, although the newspapers are still the main original sources for stories and provide institutional basis for high-quality journalism, they are not the primary gateways through which users ac
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cess the news. The main platform for media use remains the television, while the use of the internet and online social networks grows in the media habits of Europeans. The direct relationship between readers and publishers is weakening with the exception of Nordic countries, where users prefer to access news online directly. Second, comparative data on trust in the news media show the decline in general. Still, trust seems to be higher in traditional news media (radio on the first place and then TV), while lower in the online news media. A large number of users remain concerned about their ability to separate what is real and fake on the internet, and about the impact of disinformation on democracy generally. Third, a significant number of users are worn out about information overload while proportion of users avoiding the news steadily increases. It should be acknowledged at the same time, that there seem to be remarkable differences between countries as well as demographic categories (e.g. young and older, more and less educated) within these patterns." (Conclusion)
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"Popular support for media freedom continues to decline, dropping to below half (47%) of respondents across 34 countries. More Africans (49%) now say governments should have the right to prevent publications they consider harmful. Twenty-five of 31 countries tracked since 2011 experienced declines i
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n support for media freedom over that period, including steep drops in Tanzania (-33 percentage points), Cabo Verde (-27), Uganda (-21), and Tunisia (-21). Yet more Africans see the media’s freedom to investigate and criticize government as increasing (43%) than declining (32%). Countries vary widely in their assessments, from 80% of Gambians who see more media freedom to 66% of Gabonese who see less. Africans are generally dissatisfied with the state of the media. Of those who say freedom is increasing in their country, a majority (54%) support increased government regulations. However, among those who assess freedom as decreasing, a majority (54%) support media freedom over government regulations. Radio remains the top source for mass-media news, though its dominance is declining: 42% report using it every day, down 5 percentage points from 2011/2013. Television is a daily news source for about one in three Africans (35%), and is the top source for news in nine countries. Only 7% read newspapers daily. Reliance on the Internet and social media for news is increasing rapidly. Almost one in five Africans say they use the Internet (18%) and/or social media (19%) daily for news. Use of the Internet and social media for news is significantly higher among younger, urban, and better-educated populations, and there are important differences between countries and regions regarding access." (Key findings)
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"La violencia contra los periodistas no es un hecho aislado. Esta es una práctica presente en países de todo el mundo y que se caracteriza por la impunidad que rodea a las muertes de comunicadores de diversos medios de comunicación. Esta situación no solo deja impune el crimen, también impide y
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trunca la relación de la información con la comunidad. Cuando estos actos se llevan a cabo, se vulnera la persistencia de la libertad de expresión, el funcionamiento y el propósito de los medios de comunicación, la confianza en la investigación periodística y las fronteras del miedo. Consciente de la gravedad de la situación, Marisol Cano investiga en este libro diez organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión [Article 19, CPI, Fedración Internacional de Periodistas FIP, Freedom House, International Media Support, International News Safety Institute INSI, Reporteros sin fronteras, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, UNESCO, WAN-IFRA] mediante una metodología cualitativa que hace uso de técnicas de investigación como el análisis documental, el análisis de contenido y la entrevista estructurada. De esta forma, logra construir un marco global analítico de la lucha frente a la violencia contra los periodistas en la primera década del siglo XXI que le permite conocer el discurso sobre la libertad de expresión, sus formas de evaluación, las decisiones de las organizaciones para intervenir en determinados contextos, los procesos de protección de los periodistas y el perfil de las organizaciones encargadas de su bienestar. En un mundo tan conectado, el periodismo ya no es un asunto que pueda limitarse a las fronteras nacionales o a contextos locales, su accionar atañe a la comunidad internacional y las repercusiones que se derivan de su silenciamiento es un asunto que demanda el compromiso y la responsabilidad de toda la humanidad." (Resumen)
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"While we might blame news audiences for their short-lived engagement with foreign crises, their reactions are far less surprising when we look carefully at what news stories truly communicate to readers. As illustrated above, the subtle lessons the news media teach audiences about foreign crises wo
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rk together to suggest that there are few, if any, solutions to foreign suffering and the solutions that have been implemented do not work very well. By way of comparison, the media suggest that national crises, such as Hurricane Katrina, can and will be effectively addressed by responsible governments and engaged publics. Given these patterns in news discourse, it is no surprise that Americans engage superficially with the topic of distant suffering.… Journalists could begin to change the way foreign crises are covered and present better coverage of solutions by actually asking victims on the ground what they think rather than relying on political leaders and charitable groups for facts and quotes. For instance, despite many stories on al-Shabaab, none included any comments by Somalis themselves on what could be done to stop the group, and only a very small number of victim comments explicitly addressed causes or solutions. While several pieces stated that the famine was caused by drought, no Somalis were ever quoted regarding what government policies or international interventions might have lessened the severity of future droughts." (Conclusion)
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"Welcome to the first of ITU’s Measuring Digital Development series of statistical and analytical publications that replace the annual Measuring the Information Society Report. Facts and figures 2019 offers a snapshot of the most important ICT indicators, including estimates for the current year.
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Latest figures show that while Internet use continues to spread, the digital gender gap is also growing. More effective action is urgently needed to address a range of barriers – cultural, financial and skills-related – that are impeding Internet uptake, especially among women." (Foreword)
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"This books draws a comparative balance of twenty years' international media assistance in the five countries of the Western Balkans. The central question was what happens to imported models when they are transposed onto the newly evolving media systems of transitional societies. Albania, Bosnia-Her
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zegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia undertook a range of media reforms to conform with accession requirements of the European Union and the standards of the Council of Europe, among others. The essays explore the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance. The cross-national analysis concludes that the effects of international assistance are highly constrained by the local context. From today's vantage point it becomes obvious, that scaling media assistance does not necessarily improve outcomes. The experiences in the region suggest that imported solutions have not been very cognitive in all aspects of local conditions but international strategies tend to be rather schematic and lacked strategic approaches to promote media policy stability, credible media reform and implementation. The book offers valuable insights into the nature and effects of media assistance and the strategies deployed by international aid agencies, local political forces, media professionals, civil society organizations and other actors." (Publisher description)
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"Although the age gap in religious commitment is larger in some nations than in others, it occurs in many different economic and social contexts – in developing countries as well as advanced industrial economies, in Muslim-majority nations as well as predominantly Christian states, and in societie
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s that are, overall, highly religious as well as those that are comparatively secular. For example, adults younger than 40 are less likely than older adults to say religion is “very important” in their lives not only in wealthy and relatively secular countries such as Canada, Japan and Switzerland, but also in countries that are less affluent and more religious, such as Iran, Poland and Nigeria." (Page 5)
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"The volume digs beneath the standardised and universalised veneer of professionalism to unpack routine practices and normative trends shaped by local factors, including the structural conditions of deprivation, entrenched political instability (and interference), pervasive neo-patrimonial governanc
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e systems, and the influences of technological developments. These varied and complex circumstances are shown to profoundly shape the foundations of journalism in Africa, resulting in routine practices that are both normatively distinct and equally in tune with (imported) Western journalistic cultures. The book thus broadly points to the dialectical nature of news production and the inconsistent and contradictory relationships that characterise news production cultures in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Countries emerging from violent conflict face difficult challenges about what the role of media should be in political transitions, particularly when attempting to build a new state and balance a difficult legacy. Media, Conflict, and the State in Africa discusses how ideas, institutions and intere
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sts have shaped media systems in some of Africa's most complex state and nation-building projects. This timely book comes at a turbulent moment in global politics as waves of populist protests gain traction, and concerns continue to grow about fake news, social media echo chambers, and the increasing role of both traditional and new media in waging wars or influencing elections. Focusing on comparative cases from a historical perspective and the choices and ideas that informed the approaches of some of Africa's leaders, including guerrilla commanders Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Nicole Stremlau offers a unique political insight into the development of contemporary media systems in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Publics around the world overwhelmingly agree that the news media should be unbiased in their coverage of political issues, according to a new Pew Research Center survey of 38 countries. Yet, when asked how their news media are doing on reporting different political issues fairly, people are far mo
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re mixed in their sentiments, with many saying their media do not deliver. And, in many countries, there are sharp political differences in views of the media – with the largest gap among Americans. To build off Pew Research Center’s earlier findings about U.S. news media habits and attitudes, this new cross-national survey begins to study these dynamics globally. The survey finds that a median of 75% across 38 countries say it is never acceptable for a news organization to favor one political party over others when reporting the news. Just 20% say this is sometimes okay. People in Europe show the greatest opposition to political bias in their news." (Page 3)
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"Gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts begannen indigen-christliche Eliten in Asien und Afrika, sich stärker in der kolonialen Öffentlichkeit ihrer Länder zu artikulieren. Sie gründeten ihre eigenen Journale, kritisierten Missstände in Gesellschaft und Missionskirchen, beteiligten sich an sozialen Be
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wegungen und entwickelten eine nicht-missionarische Sicht auf das Christentum. Der Sammelband stellt die Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojektes dar, das der Analyse indigen-christlicher Journale als eines bislang weitestgehend vernachlässigten Quellenkorpus gewidmet ist und singuläre neue Einsichten in religiöse Emanzipationsprozesse in Asien und Afrika um die Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert erlaubt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Jasmin Fitzpatrick widmet sich aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen und untersucht, wie diese das Potenzial der neuen Kommunikationskanäle des Web 2.0 nutzen. Im Fokus stehen zum einen ihre Mobilisierung von Unterstützern und zum anderen ihre Absicht, d
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urch soziale Medien die Agenda zu besetzen. Im Zentrum der Analyse stehen zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen, die sich mit Menschenrechten und humanitärer Hilfe befassen. Methodisch werden quantitative und qualitative Verfahren kombiniert. Die Autorin zeigt, dass gerade kleinere Organisationen das Potenzial der neuen Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten noch nicht ausschöpfen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The purpose of this RISJ factsheet is to provide toplevel usage statistics for the most popular sites that independent fact-checkers and other observers have identified as publishers of false news and online disinformation in two European countries: France and Italy. We focus specifically on sites
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that independent fact-checkers have shown to publish demonstrably false news and information, whether for profit or for ideological/political purposes. This constitutes a more clearly defined subset of a wider range of issues sometimes discussed using the broad, vague, and politicized term “fake news”. We examine France and Italy as two particularly important cases, as both are widely seen as facing serious issues with forprofit and ideologically/politically motivated online disinformation. Based on a starting sample of around 300 websites in each country that independent fact-checkers have identified as publishers of false news (which, on this basis, we refer to as “false news sites”), we focus on measuring these sites’ reach, attention, and number of interactions on Facebook. We provide context by comparing these figures with equivalent data for a small selection of the most widely-used French and Italian news brands. We find that: • None of the false news websites we considered had an average monthly reach of over 3.5% in 2017, with most reaching less than 1% of the online population in both France and Italy. By comparison, the most popular news websites in France (Le Figaro) and Italy (La Repubblica) had an average monthly reach of 22.3% and 50.9%, respectively; • The total time spent with false news websites each month is lower than the time spent with news websites. The most popular false news websites in France were viewed for around 10 million minutes per month, and for 7.5 million minutes in Italy. People spent an average of 178 million minutes per month with Le Monde, and 443 million minutes with La Repubblica—more than the combined time spent with all 20 false news sites in each sample; • Despite clear differences in terms of website access, the level of Facebook interaction (defined as the total number of comments, shares, and reactions) generated by a small number of false news outlets matched or exceeded that produced by the most popular news brands. In France, one false news outlet generated an average of over 11 million interactions per month—five times greater than more established news brands. However, in most cases, in both France and Italy, false news outlets do not generate as many interactions as established news brands." (Pages 1-2)
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"By mid-2018, there were 442 million unique mobile subscribers across Latin America and the Caribbean, accounting for 68% of the population. The region is characterised by varying levels of mobile subscriber penetration. A number of countries (such as Chile, Uruguay and Argentina) are approaching sa
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turation of the total addressable market, while others (including Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua) still exhibit relatively low levels of penetration. Despite slowing mobile subscriber growth in recent years, Latin America and the Caribbean still has substantial room for growth. The region will account for 10% of all new subscribers globally out to 2025. Material increases in subscriber numbers will be delivered by major markets including Brazil, Mexico and Colombia, which have penetration levels close to the regional average. By 2025, around three quarters of the region’s population will subscribe to mobile services, closing the gap on the average for developed markets (87%)." (Executive summary)
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"Corrupt individuals have proven very adept at finding ways to get around formal constraints, which is why grassroots and bottom-up approaches to fighting corruption tend to be more sustainable in the long run than isolated institutional and legal reform. Often, well-intentioned laws are poorly enfo
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rced and institutions lack the “teeth” to make anticorruption efforts truly effective. Civil society and media are essential in applying pressure and keeping governments honest and accountable. Freedom of association, or the ability of people to form groups and influence public policy, is vital to anti-corruption. CSOs play a key role in denouncing violations of rights or speaking out against breaches of law. Similarly, a free and independent media serves an important function in investigating and reporting incidences of corruption. The voices of both civil society and journalists put a spotlight on bad actors and can help trigger action by law enforcement and the court system." (Page 1)
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