"Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain examine the complex role of the Internet, mobile phones, and social networking applications in the Arab Spring. Examining digital media access, level of grievance, and levels of protest for popular democratization in 16 countries in the Middle East and North
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Africa, Howard and Hussain conclude that digital media was neither the most nor the least important cause of the Arab Spring. Instead, they illustrate a complex web of conjoined causal factors for social mobilization. The Arab revolts cascaded across countries largely because digital media allowed communities to realize shared grievances and nurtured transportable strategies for mobilizing against dictators. Individuals were inspired to protest for personal reasons, but through social media they acted collectively." (Publisher description)
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"Research on new media has always highlighted the assumption that in authoritarian contexts, communication technologies provide political activists with ampler space than available in the heavily policed physical world. However, social and political changes taking place throughout Egypt and the Arab
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region reflect a shift. In a country like Egypt, where only around 30 % of the population have internet access, the vibrant digital media scene is relocating itself once more in public spaces. Digital initiatives, such as Askar Kadhibun (Lying generals) and Musirrin (Steadfast), are transforming online media material into older (pre-modern) modes of traditional media, such as graffiti and traveling street performances. This constitutes a shift towards the ascendancy of popular cultural production, and a challenge to the reification and sacrilization of digital media in a context where poverty and illiteracy play a major role in both the dissemination of information and in political mobilization." (Abstract)
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"This report examines whether and how furthering Internet freedom can empower civil society vis-à-vis public officials, make the government more accountable to its citizens, and integrate citizens into the policymaking process. Using case studies of events in 2011 in Egypt, Syria, China, and Russia
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, researchers focus on the impact of Internet freedom on freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, and the right to cast a meaningful vote, all of which are the key pillars of political space. Researchers analyze the mechanisms by which Internet freedom can enhance the opportunities to enjoy these freedoms, how different political contexts can alter the opportunities for online mobilization, and how, subsequently, online activism can grow out into offline mobilization leading to visible policy changes. To provide historical context, researchers also draw parallels between the effects of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty programs in the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the ongoing efforts to expand Internet freedom for all. The report concludes by discussing implications for the design of Internet freedom programs and other measures to protect “freedom to connect." (Back cover)
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"Drawing on a historical approach to Malaysia's political development since independence, this paper argues that the political effects of the rise of Malaysia's new media are best understood as being parallel to those of modernization and socio-economic change from previous decades, which augured im
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portant changes in the political strategies of incumbent and opposition politicians, but did not upset the fundamental logic through which the Barisan Nasional (BN) regime has ruled since the 1970s." (Abstract)
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"This article discusses the role of ‘cyberactivism’ or the role played by new media in paving the way for political transformation, in both the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions of 2011. It starts with a discussion of the potentials of cyberactivism in both of these revolutions, especially how t
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hese new types of social media can act as effective tools for supporting the capabilities of the democratic activists by allowing forums for free speech and political networking opportunities; providing a virtual space for assembly; supporting the capability of the protestors to plan, organize and execute peaceful protests, while documenting the protests and governmental reactions to them; and providing forums for collaboration between the Tunisian and the Egyptian activists. It also sheds light on some of the limitations of the role of social media in both of these revolutions and highlights some of the overlaps and divergences between the role of cyberactivism in both of them, through comparing the similarities and differences in contexts, actors and tools." (Abstract)
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"Electronic Iran introduces the concept of the Iranian Internet, a framework that captures interlinked, transnational networks of virtual and offline spaces. Taking her cues from early Internet ethnographies that stress the importance of treating the Internet as both a site and product of cultural p
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roduction, accounts in media studies that highlight the continuities between old and new media, and a range of works that have made critical interventions in the field of Iranian studies, Niki Akhavan traces key developments and confronts conventional wisdom about digital media in general, and contemporary Iranian culture and politics in particular. Akhavan focuses largely on the years between 1998 and 2012 to reveal a diverse and combative virtual landscape where both geographically and ideologically dispersed individuals and groups deployed Internet technologies to variously construct, defend, and challenge narratives of Iranian national identity, society, and politics." (Publisher website)
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"Highlights the findings of the LSE students’ work undertaken between October 2012 and March 2013: a literature review and analysis of BBC Media Action data from Palestinian Territories and Bangladesh on use of social media and civic participation. Findings include: Use of social media is positive
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ly associated with political efficacy and offline participation in the BBC Media Action data. These findings imply that BBC Media Action should engage purposefully with social media as a catalysing complement to traditional TV and radio programming." (BBC Media Action website)
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"Ruling elites often try to co-opt civil society groups, and in times of political or military crises they can attempt to control the national information infrastructure. But a defining feature of civil society is independence from the authority of the state, even in countries such as Saudi Arabia a
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nd Egypt. And in important ways, digital communication networks are also independent of any particular state authority. What has been the impact of digital media on political communication in Muslim media systems? How have tools such as mobile phones and the internet affected the process of forming political identity, particularly for the young? When do such tools change the opportunity for civic action, and when do they simply empower ruling elites to be more effective censors? In this chapter, we analyze the best available micro-level data on technology use and changing patterns of political identity and macro-level data on networks of civil society actors." (Introduction)
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"In the fall of 2011, Danida commissioned a study with the objective of examining strategic opportunities for using ICT for promoting governance and democratization efforts within development assistance; and exploring opportunities for ICT in the present Danish portfolio of development programs and
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within the vision of the Strategy for Danish Development Cooperation. The study touches on a range of ICT technologies but its focus is the use of mobile phones, including voice calls, SMSText, mobile internet, and social media. This report presents the findings, conclusions and recommendations of the study and falls in 6 chapters: an introductory part outlining study objectives and the methodology applied (Chapters 1-2); a presentation of why ICT is important (Chapter 3); a presentation of ICT case studies from Kenya emphasizing transparency, accountability and empowerment (Chapter 4); a presentation of other donor practices and experiences with emphasis on institutional issues (chapter 5); and a concluding chapter outlining the conclusions/recommendations (Chapter 6)." (Introduction)
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"An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region. New media -
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at least that which uses bit.ly linkages - did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period. This lack of impact does not mean that social media.or digital media generally were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show different results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regimefs tendency to crack down violently on protests. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships. Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain - large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain." (Summary, page 3)
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"Der arabische Frühling war nicht nur der Beginn eines gesellschaftlichen und politischen Umwälzungsprozesses in Nordafrika, sondern auch der Startpunkt einer neuen außenpolitischen Ära im Zeichen / Web 2.0. Auch wenn die Bedeutung der Mobiltelefone und sozialen Medien, mit der die Oppositionell
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en die ganze Welt an ihren Aktivitäten in Echtzeit teilhaben ließen, zuweilen überschätzt wird, so ist es doch unumstritten, dass sich für diese Instrumente neue Wege eröffnen, grenzüberschreitend zu kommunizieren. Welche Konsequenzen ergeben sich daraus für die Außenpolitik? Was sind die Chancen und Risiken virtueller Demokratieförderung in autoritären Staaten? Welche Rolle kann der Auslandsrundfunk im Zeitalter / Web 2.0 übernehmen? Wissenschaftler, Journalisten und Social-Media-Aktivisten aus der ganzen Welt nehmen Stellung zu Themen wie Partizipation 2.0, Kriegsführung im Cyberspace und digitale Sicherheitspolitik, journalistische Verantwortung in der digitalen Gesellschaft, soziale Medien in der auswärtigen Kultur- und Bildungspolitik und den Hype um die Facebook-Revolution." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The prevailing consumerism in Chinese cyberspace is a growing element of Chinese culture and an important aspect of this book. Chinese bloggers, who have strongly embraced consumerism and tend to be apathetic about politics, have nonetheless demonstrated political passion over issues such as the We
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stern media’s negative coverage of China. In this book, Jiang focuses upon this passion — Chinese bloggers’ angry reactions to the Western media’s coverage of censorship issues in current China — in order to examine China’s current potential for political reform. A central focus of this book, then, is the specific issue of censorship and how to interpret the Chinese characteristics of it as a mechanism currently used to maintain state control. While Cyber-Nationalism in China examines fundamental questions surrounding the political implications of the Internet in China, it avoids simply predicting that the Internet does or does not lead to democratization. Applying a theoretical approach based on the Foucauldian notion of governmentality, the book builds on current scholarship that has attempted to move beyond examining the dynamics of the socio-cultural and political use of new media technologies." (Publisher description)
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"Die 27-jährige Lina Ben Mhenni war eine der Internetaktivisten, die den tunesischen Diktator Ben Ali vertrieben haben. Sie ist auf die Straße gegangen, hat mit anderen Demonstranten die Freiheit gefordert. Sie hat fotografiert, gefilmt und berichtet, dort, wo keine Presse erlaubt war. Ihr Blog 'A
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Tunisian Girl' ist zu einem wichtigen Nachrichtenforum der arabischen Oppositionsbewegung geworden. In ihrer Streitschrift fordert Ben Mhenni die Leser auf, sich politisch zu engagieren und zu vernetzen." (Klappentext)
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"The Best Practice Guide gives a general overview of new media in Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, the Palestinian Territories and Syria. It analyses new media experiences acquired in conflict and post conflict areas, presenting best practice examples and recommendations developed by the workshop participants
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on how to use new media as a tool to facilitate peace and dialogue in the region. The Pedagogical Toolkit contains a series of articles by experts on new media. It formed the basis of the training sessions at the “Arab New Media for Peace and Dialogue Workshop” and provides useful, practical insight into the field of new media within the region and in other contexts." (Preface)
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"This book examines, from theoretical and empirical perspectives, the claims that new information and communication technologies (ICTs) are catalysts of democratic change in Africa. Contributors do so from optimist, pragmatist-realist, and pessimist stances through analyses of various forms of evide
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nces—including words and deeds of various political actors and organizations or institutions, from government units to political parties and party leaders to civil society organizations and minority or marginalized groups. The main focus is, therefore, on the interrelated concepts of e-participation and e-democracy." (Preface)
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