"If you're not paying for the product, then you are the product. In the past, colonialism was a landgrab of natural resources, exploitative labour and private property from developing countries. It made shiny promises to modernise and civilise, but actually sought to control. It made native populati
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ons sign contracts they didn't understand, and took resources just because they were there. Colonialism has not disappeared it has taken a new form. In the new world order where data is the new oil, big Tech companies are grabbing our most basic natural resources, our data, exploiting our labour and connections, and repackaging our information to control our views, track our movements, record our conversations and discriminate against us. They tell us this is for our own good, to build innovation and develop new technology. But in fact every time we unthinkingly click 'Accept' on Terms and Conditions, we allow our most personal information to kept indefinitely, repackaged by big Tech companies to control and exploit us for their own profit. This is the era of data colonialism. The new colonial landgrab is a datagrab. In this searing, cutting-edge guide, two leading global researchers and founders of the concept of data colonialism reveal how history can help us understand the emerging future, and how we can fight back." (Publisher description)
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"Recent legislation on data linking national security and cybersecurity undermines the creation of a trustworthy data environment. Restrictions on information flows have immediate and medium-term costs to digital economic activity, which in turn have knock-on effects for the prospect of any subseque
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nt tax revenue. Extended economic instability is the main limiting factor for the growth of a digital society, but other limiting factors can be alleviated with mild targeted reform. A new policy agenda is required for the state to aid Zimbabweans to improve their life-chances, livelihoods and wellbeing with digital means. A policy framework to create enduring, affordable access through infrastructure extension and reliable connectivity can allow Zimbabweans to trade their goods and services online. These actions can help realise the principles of the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms and facilitate Zimbabweans innovating within the global digital economy." (Key points)
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"Following the 2011 Arab Spring, autocrats have sought to limit citizens’ ability to publicize offline protests over social media. In this article, we explore how users adjust to these restrictions. To do so, we analyse 33 million tweets sent from Egypt during the “Day of Anger” protests in Se
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ptember 2020. We find evidence of online tactical evasion in a highly repressive context. Compared to neutral users, regime opponents are more likely to issue calls for offline protests using new or dedicated accounts that contain no personal information. Users are also more likely to delete tweets calling for mobilization ex-post in a bid to conceal their activism. We find weaker evidence suggesting that regime opponents try to evade laws targeting critical accounts with over 5000 followers. The findings illustrate how activists in autocracies use social media to mobilize street-level contention while attempting to mitigate the risk of state repression." (Abstract)
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"In 2023, Advancing Rights in Southern Africa (ARISA) through its consortium partner, Internews, undertook the most comprehensive review yet of laws affecting media practice and the freedom of expression, including cyber laws, penal codes, constitutions and acts of parliament, in the sixteen Souther
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n African Development Community (SADC) countries. The Information Ecosystem Analysis (IEA) provides an in-depth overview of the legal provisions that have been enacted or are in various stages of becoming laws in the region, and are being used by SADC governments to stifle and limit press freedom and public debate. Each of the sixteen SADC countries are included as individual country chapters in this report, providing country-specific legal analyses of the relevant Cyber security and related laws used by the respective country’s governments to stifle freedom of expression. The approach used by the researchers considered the legislative environment together with literature on the relevant topics, court cases and media reports about the application of specific laws and focused on incidents of where laws were used, dating from 2020 to present. The respective country analyses have been informed by extensive virtual interviews conducted with journalists, civil society representatives and academics in the region. Attention was also given to countries holding elections in 2023 and 2024." (Executive summary)
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"Investigating the impact of digital technology on contemporary constitutionalism, this book offers an overview of the transformations that are currently occurring at constitutional level, highlighting their link with ongoing societal changes. It reconstructs the multiple ways in which constitutiona
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l law is reacting to these challenges and explores the role of one original response to this phenomenon: the emergence of Internet bills of rights. Over the past few years, a significant number of Internet bills of rights have emerged around the world. These documents represent non-legally binding declarations promoted mostly by individuals and civil society groups that articulate rights and principles for the digital society. This book argues that these initiatives reflect a change in the constitutional ecosystem. The transformations prompted by the digital revolution in our society ferment under a vault of constitutional norms shaped for 'analogue' communities. Constitutional law struggles to address all the challenges of the digital environment. In this context, Internet bills of rights, by emerging outside traditional institutional processes, represent a unique response to suggest new constitutional solutions for the digital age." (Publisher description)
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"Liberal democracies must continue to consistently stand up for internet freedom, democracy and human rights. Germany and the European Union are regarded as role models. It is imperative therefore that they refrain from presenting legislative initiatives themselves that restrict the human right to p
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rivacy. In addition to gas, the dependency on imported chips has become apparent following the Russian war against Ukraine and the COVID pandemic. A comprehensive and regular stress test for digital and technological dependencies can minimise risks and strengthen Germany’s and Europe’s sovereignty. Undersea cables that transmit data from continent to continent are currently insufficiently protected; indeed, they have come increasingly under the sway of Chinese and American big tech companies. Satellite internet especially can currently only be provided by private companies. To prevent the danger of sabotage and dependency, strategic measures must be taken and capacity built up. Political engagement in space is no game: it is a geopolitical imperative. Only in this way can the required infrastructure be provided in case of armed conflict or environmental catastrophes such as the Ahrtal floods of 2021. With a strategy for international digital policy, Germany is called upon to reconfirm the fact that it has understood the importance of this topic and wishes to work as an important actor in the future. To this end, the Federal Government should develop an ambitious, cross-ministerial strategy with the involvement of civil society. In parallel, existing global partnerships should be strengthened and new ones set up. This relates both to allies such as the USA, with the Trade and Technology Council, and partners like India and Brazil. The “partnership of equals” must be more than an empty phrase to Africa and elsewhere in the Global South. For agreement in international committees such as the ITU, a strong democratic foundation is required." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"1. Aus dem nationalen Verfassungsrecht ist ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ableitbar.
2. Aus dem europäischen Verfassungsrecht ist ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ableitbar.
3. Ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung ergibt sich zwar nicht als solches aus den nationalen und europäischen verfassungsrechtlich
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en Gewährleistungen. Es kann aber aus der Zusammenschau verschiedener Grundrechte abgeleitet werden. Relevant sind die Grundrechtspositionen, die die digitale Datenverarbeitung und -übermittlung zum Gegenstand haben [...]
4. Bei einer Ableitung eines Rechts auf Verschlüsselung aus verschiedenen verfassungsrechtlichen Gewährleistungen auf nationaler und europäischer Ebene ergibt sich im chronologischen Kommunikationsablauf ein nahezu lückenloser Grundrechtsschutz [...]
5. Ein Recht auf Verschlüsselung besteht aus einer aktiven sowie aus einer passiven Dimension. Damit ist es nicht nur Abwehrrecht gegenüber staatlichem Handeln umfasst, sondern kann für den Staat auch (weit gefasste) Handlungspflichten auslösen, um der Umsetzung von Datenverschlüsselung als Methode zur Ausübung effektiven Grundrechtsschutzes gerecht zu werden." (Executive summary)
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"Democracies must say no to the technologies, platforms, standards, and frameworks shrewdly proposed by China in various international fora and technical or standards bodies in order to make our Internet more like the one in China. Internet governance must be kept open and participatory for all stak
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eholders, not just governments. Research into and the development of privacy-preserving and anti-censorship technologies must be supported. A vision for a free and open global Internet must be integrated into future foreign policy formulation, not only because it should be, but also because China has already begun to integrate its own contrary vision." (Executive summary)
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