"We, the signatories of the appeal for the protection and support of community radio stations in the Sahel [...] call on the political authorities of the Sahel countries to combat impunity for crimes committed against community radio journalists by systematically opening investigations to ensure tha
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t these murders do not go unpunished; to break the silence on the fate and whereabouts of community radio journalists kidnapped by armed gangs and take action to secure their release; to help rebuild community radio premises destroyed by attacks and to support them in restoring their professional equipment; to provide community radio teams with security training; to recognise the importance of community radio stations as key players in the right to information in the Sahel in media legislation." (Pages 1-2)
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"The existing literature on Internet governance offers important insights on the relationship between state and society in China and the West. It is important to explore this relationship in the developing world. This study focuses on Pakistan, exploring the role of relevant legal frameworks, politi
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cal authorities, and institutional structures in relation to monitoring and regulating telephone traffic, legal compliance, and consumer interests. By focusing on the interplay between political dynamics, international partnerships, and evolving digital landscapes, this study examines the evolution of Internet governance model in Pakistan. While Pakistan appears on a trajectory to digital authoritarianism, its journey is hampered by structural limitations, resistance from democratic forces, concerns about data protection and privacy, pushback from the judiciary, and the emergence of a vigilant civil society. Challenges in establishing a coherent authoritarian model of Internet governance have resulted in an ad hoc approach. This study offers a nuanced understanding of multifaceted factors influencing Internet governance in a developing country." (Abstract)
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"The transformations in the media and political landscapes in Egypt over the last decade and their implications on media pluralism and freedom of expression are well documented. However, less is known about how Egyptian journalists themselves experience these changes; how their relationships with au
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thorities and ordinary citizens are being redefined, and how journalists’ routines and practices are evolving. Through interviews with twenty Egyptian journalists working for different types of media outlets (government-owned, independent, privately owned, opposition and new start-ups), this article records and analyses journalists’ experiences with both authorities and citizens amid the current transitional period, assessing to what extent these relationships and experiences are impacting journalism practices in Egypt. Findings reveal that journalists perceive a hostile stance from both officials and ordinary citizens towards journalists due to a common belief that journalists played a role in the removal of previous regimes and therefore are seen as “destabilising agents”. This prevents journalists from accessing both information and news sources, forcing journalists to produce unified content and practice self-censorship and “service journalism” as opposed to original and investigative stories. These challenges are discussed in light of research on media and democratic transition." (Abstract)
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"This volume addresses the various historical, philosophical, political and cultural parameters of censorship and freedom of expression as well as current debates involving technology, journalism and media regulation. Geographically, temporally and culturally diverse accounts of censorship and freed
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om of expression are discussed through a broad range of perspectives and case studies. This Companion covers core principles and concerns in addition to more specialist and controversial debates, including those surrounding hate speech, holocaust denial, pornography and so-called “cancel culture”. The collection pays particular attention to the role of the media in both facilitating and suppressing freedom of expression." (Publisher description)
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"The right of journalists to work in a secure environment, without being intimidated, harassed, attacked, abused or murdered, is of fundamental importance to freedom of expression globally. Yet, in many countries around the world, journalism has become a deadly occupation and those who practise it o
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ften risk their lives to inform the public. This is especially the case for investigative reporters whose work is vital for the functioning of democratic societies. This chapter examines the main challenges that investigative reporters face by focusing on three case studies that illustrate the threats to safe journalism practice and the broad impact of violence and impunity for crimes against journalists on press freedom." (Abstract)
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"Basotho value the media’s role as a watchdog on government and support media freedom, but they are divided on whether their country’s media is actually free. Majorities endorse public access to government-held information such as bids and contracts, local government council budgets, and salarie
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s of teachers and local government officials. While radio is king among news sources in Lesotho, television and social media play a vital role as well, providing news to more than four in 10 citizens on a regular basis." (Conclusion)
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"Free journalism is indispensable for monitoring the actions of political representation, holding it accountable, exposing the misuse of power, and defending public interests. Fulfilling these roles assumes that journalists can do their job and pursue public-interest stories to the best of their abi
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lities without fear of retaliation. In this chapter, building on the Media Pluralism Monitor data, we discuss the key issues of concern related to the journalists' safety, focusing on the attacks in the offline and online environment and the political elite's hostile criticism of the media. We analyse these issues in the context of Greece, Slovakia, and Spain, which share several common features regarding their media environment. Yet, these countries differ in risks to journalists' safety. We find, however, that despite different risk levels, the safety of journalists has been deteriorating in all three countries over the years. These findings have important implications for policymakers." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the safety and security of journalists in Ghana, assessing their satisfaction with key media stakeholders and the state of press freedom through the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) journalists’ safety indicators. Using a predominan
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tly quantitative, integrative mixed-method approach, it surveyed 80 journalists from broadcast, print and online outlets, conducted ten in-depth interviews and analysed two policy documents. The findings reveal widespread dissatisfaction with stakeholders such as law enforcement, politicians, regulatory bodies and journalists’ associations. The independent t-test shows that the editors and reporters did not differ significantly in their assessment of their satisfaction with stakeholders in the media landscape. Only the online media journalists reported satisfaction with their management’s efforts to ensure safety. The absence of formal safety policies and the frequent closure of broadcast outlets signal a decline in press freedom. This study highlights a concerning gap between Ghana’s democratic credentials and the unsafe working conditions for journalists. Recent press freedom rankings align with these challenges, affirming UNESCO’s indicator as a predictive tool." (Abstract)
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"About three-quarters (76%) of Batswana say the media should "constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption." A similar share (77%) insist on media freedom, while 20% say the government should have the right to prevent the publication of things it disapproves of. In particu
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lar, strong majorities endorse the proposition that specific types of information be made publicly available, including information regarding budgets and expenditures for local government councils (88%) and bids and contracts for government-funded projects or purchases (88%). Half (50%) of those surveyed support making the salaries of teachers and local government officials public. About half (49%) say the country's media is "somewhat free" or "completely free" to report and comment on the news without government interference. Radio is the most popular source of news in Botswana, used at least "a few times a week" by two-thirds (67%) of citizens. Social media (47%) and television (41%) beat out the Internet (36%) and newspapers (29%) as regular news sources." (Key findings)
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"This volume presents an analytical and empirical overview of the array of issues that the Mexican media faces in the post-authoritarian age, which jointly explains how a partially accomplished democracy, its authoritarian inertias, and its unintended consequences hinder the democratic performance o
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f the media. This is analyzed from three points of view: the stalemate Mexican media system and ineffective regulations, the conditions of risk and insecurity of the journalists on the field, and the limits of freedom of expression, political substance, and inclusiveness of media content. A binational effort, with research from US and Mexican authors, a wide analytic perspective is provided on the macro, meso, and micro levels, allowing for a deep conceptual richness and a comprehensive understanding of the Mexican case. With leading researchers in the field, the volume revolves around the problems of the media in post-authoritarian democracies. By answering the questions of how and why the Mexican media has not fully democratized, the works encompassed here can resonate with and are relevant to other post-authoritarian countries and academic disciplines." (Publisher description)
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"For Russian civil society as well as for Western reporting independent exiled media are playing a central role: These media are a unique and precious voice that can still make its way to Russian audiences. They are also the foundation of Western reporting on Russia – without them, many internatio
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nal media would struggle to keep up with what is happening in the secretive state. Indeed, recognizing this, they are eager to partner with Russian colleagues on especially high-impact stories: intelligence or disinformation operations in the West, for example. While Russian authorities are building a toolbox for censorship – not just for themselves, but for despotic regimes across the world – Russian exiled media are investing in anti-censorship technologies to fight it. Despite their comparatively small resources and size, they have developed a wide range of innovative digital solutions – from blocking resilient magic links to browser extensions that counter YouTube slowdowns [...] With just a fraction of the budget being spent to silence them, Russia’s exiled independent media have shown that they can not just withstand the new censorship regime, but also to create tools and blueprints that can serve their colleagues in other parts of the world. But they remain vulnerable, and deserve both more stable support and support from a wider range of stakeholders – including Big Tech companies. This report presents the state of the Russian media market as it enters a new, even darker phase, as well as an overview of the media that are fighting back. Hopefully, it can serve to re-energize support, rather than simply serving as a warning of potentially far more serious – and costly – challenges to come if the issues are not addressed now." (Page 1)
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"Before the Taliban‘s return in 2021, Afghanistan had made notable strides in promoting transparency and civic engagement through progressive laws governing information access. These landmark measures, praised internationally, represented small but significant steps toward strengthening the countr
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y’s nascent democracy. However, with the Taliban in power, these gains were swiftly dismantled, leading to a dramatic erosion of the free exchange of information and a gradual silencing of voices within the country.
This policy paper examines the profound consequences of the Taliban’s assault on the right to information, emphasizing the erosion of established norms and their replacement with arbitrary decrees. The measures in these decrees to control the media and restrict access to information are systematic and targeted. Actions such as banning demonstrations, implementing strict guidelines for journalists, censoring foreign media, and suppressing criticism serve to manipulate public perception. These measures ensure that only information aligning with the Taliban‘s agenda is disseminated. The Taliban‘s violations constitute a flagrant breach of fundamental international legal standards, including the right to life and freedom from torture. Their actions not only infringe upon these essential human rights but also disrupt humanitarian aid efforts for Afghanistan and undermine the international rules-based order. The lack of information about the Taliban’s engagement with terrorist organizations leaves the global community in the dark.
To address this crisis, the international community must isolate the Taliban and seek justice for their crimes against vulnerable populations in Afghanistan. Strengthening global and exile media is crucial for documenting and exposing these violations. The paper further recommends intensifying pressure on the Taliban to compel a reduction in their draconian measures and to restore some measures of information freedom." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to
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more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions.
The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression.
On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3)
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