"This report explores the social media habits of Iranian netizens and how the Islamic Republic is repressing the online space." (Publisher description)
"This analysis of the Law of the Republic of Azerbaijan “On Media” (Media Law) by the Centre for Law and Democracy (CLD) seeks to enrich and deepen the criticisms and analyses already made of the Law, based on international human rights standards, in particular the right to freedom of expression
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. Azerbaijan has long had a poor track record in terms of respect for freedom of expression and, overall, despite some positive features, the Media Law will likely contribute more to the challenges than to addressing them." (Executive summary)
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"In 2011, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders defined stigmatization as the characterization of human rights defenders as “terrorists”, “enemies of the State” or “political opponents” by state authorities and state media and its use to delegitimize their work,
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increasing their vulnerability to human rights abuses and violations. The CDJ has recorded acts of stigmatization against human rights defenders between January 2019 and June 2021 in Venezuela, through public and private media outlets with links to the government. Often these media outlets, which may take the form of web portals, television programmes and blogs, among others, use the spaces to attack, expose and harass people who are perceived as critical of the government of Nicolás Maduro. Upon analysing the database with more than 300 acts of stigmatization between January 2019 and June 2021, the media outlets whose content was most frequently repeated ahead of detentions by Venezuelan security forces were Con el Mazo Dando, Misión Verdad and the web portal Lechuguinos [...] The correlation between politically motivated arbitrary detentions, carried out by all state security agents, and stigmatization, carried out by all sources of stigmatization, was filtered by each year analysed due to the different nature of each period. From this analysis it was shown that while in 2019 the overall correlation between both variables was 29%, in 2020 it increased to 42% and in the first half of 2021 it reached 77%. The annual correlations between arbitrary detentions and stigmatization also varied depending on the different security forces involved in the detention. Thus, there is a closer correlation in 2019 with detentions occurring by intelligence agencies (DGCIM and SEBIN), in 2020 by bodies under the PNB, including the FAES, which rises to 92%, and in 2021 by bodies of a civilian and decentralized nature, such as the FAES, municipal police forces and the Scientific, Penal and Criminal Investigation Corps (CICPC) which also rises to 92% correlation with stigmatization." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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"Quality media are indispensable. People must be able to form opinions competently. They must also be free to express their views. At the same time, there must be limits to slander, fake-news propaganda and the spreading of conspiracy theories. The internet is proving to be ambivalent. On the one ha
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nd, some kinds of online exchange are excellent – not least, as some news websites are standing up to governments with authoritarian tendencies. On the other hand, the under-regulated cyber sphere gives too much scope for spreading lies and disinformation." (Page 3)
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"As press freedom continues a downward trend across the globe against a backdrop of rapidly changing landscape for the safety of journalists, the 10th anniversary of the UN Plan provided an opportunity to take stock of its key achievements during this first decade of implementation, as well as to id
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entify solutions to challenges that have arisen along the way. In this respect, UNESCO coordinated a multi-stakeholder consultative process involving regional and thematic consultations to collect partners’ experiences in promoting safety of journalists over the last decade as a basis for informing the course of action in the next 10 years and beyond. The consultative process included five regional and sub-regional consultations (for Africa, South Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, Arab States and Europe), two thematic consultations (on the safety of women journalists, on risk management and transparency of digital platforms), and crosscutting academic consultations. This process brought together governments representatives, civil society organizations, academia, journalists, news organizations, IGOs and tech companies who shared experiences of the implementation of the Plan and provided and provided possible solutions to improve its coordination amidst a complex safety environment. From the eight consultations, UNESCO published a concise outcome document summarizing key processes and outcomes of each of the consultations. This document provided background reading and highlights of key issues and trends that informed discussions during the High-level conference on the Safety of Journalists which took place in Vienna on 3 -4 November. The conference was organized by the Austrian Federal Ministry of European and International Affairs in cooperation with UNESCO and the UN Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the UN Plan of Action and to reaffirm, recommit and reposition it for the next 10 years. Three other regional events were held to mark this anniversary. These are the Arab regional event that took place on 2-4 November in Tunis, Tunisia; the New York Group of Friends on Safety of Journalists event that took place in New York on 7 November 2022, and the Africa event that took place in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, on 11-12 November 2022. This report provides a detailed account of the three consultations held with academics on supporting and strengthening the future successful implementation of the UN Plan of Action." (Background, page 4-5)
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"Täglich gibt es Berichte darüber, wie private Betreiber sozialer Medien sich problematischen Vorgaben autoritärer Herrscher beugen. Ob in Thailand, Kasachstan oder Russland, immer wieder werden als Teil von Content Moderation (CM) gezielt Inhalte entfernt oder Konten gelöscht, weil Regierungen
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sich durch Äußerungen in den sozialen Medien kritisiert fühlen. Diesen Einzelfällen liegt ein systemisches Problem von globaler Reichweite zugrunde. Die großen Betreiber sozialer Medien aus den USA bieten ihre Dienste in einer Vielzahl autoritärer Staaten an und erreichen hier Hunderte Millionen Nutzerinnen und Nutzer. Dabei laufen sie Gefahr, zu Komplizen bei der Verletzung von Menschenrechten werden. Um das Verhalten der Unternehmen hinsichtlich dieses Problems überprüfen zu können, sollte sich die deutsche Politik international dafür einsetzen, dass öffentlich einsehbare Human Rights Impact Assessments (HRIAs) verpflichtend vorgegeben werden." (Zusammenfassung)
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"After nearly 20 years of international investment and successful efforts to build a diverse media landscape and strengthen journalism standards, the Afghan media sector has fundamentally changed for the worse since the Taliban (also referred herein to as the de facto authorities) takeover on 15 Aug
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ust 2021. Before mid-August 2021, dedicated initiatives and investment focused on increasing the number of women working in the media across a diversity of roles, training and equipping them with valuable skills and expertise, as well as a substantive focus on women’s rights and gender equality in the media content, including on how gender inequality is a driver of conflict. The Taliban has sought to bring the Afghan media under its control, prohibiting broadcasts and publications that criticize Taliban rule and/or are incompatible with the group’s interpretation of Islamic and Afghan values. There is no universal experience across the changed media environment as the level of subnational variation is notable. The position of individual de facto leaders on media freedom varies according to their personal viewpoints and relationship to the media in the past, and their perception of the value of media to extend the credibility and authority of the Taliban in the eyes of the target audience. Despite subnational variations, nationwide trends are becoming increasingly discernible, clear and solidified. Although in some cases the level of discretion may be higher, rules and practices are consistent and congruent – continuous harassment, attacks, and detention of journalists, the requirement for women journalists to cover their face when on air, and various tactics which combined lead to self-censorship and exclusion of women from the media. This indicates a systematic and coherent effort to
muzzle the media and exclude women – their faces, perspectives, and experiences – from public spaces." (Summary)
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"Over the past five years, approximately 85 percent of the world’s population experienced a decline in press freedom in their country. Even in countries with long traditions of safeguarding free and independent journalism, financial and technological transformations have forced news outlets, espec
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ially those serving local communities, to close. With readership and advertising markets moving online, advertising revenue for newspapers plummeted by nearly half in the ten-year period ending in 2019. The subsequent COVID-19 pandemic and its global economic impact have exacerbated this trend, now threatening to create an “extinction level” event for independent journalism outlets. The 2021/2022 global edition of the flagship series of reports on World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development examines these questions with a special focus on “journalism as a public good”." (Abstract)
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"Using examples of the existing media coverage of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, religion, age, sexual orientation, disability, geography, social and marital status, this handbook offers a set of educational tools that can be used in a classroom to develop sensitivity to diversity, to increase s
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tudents’ analytical skills in relation to news content and to enrich students’ knowledge and understanding of the relationship between social diversity and the media [...] The handbook is aimed to be used as a textbook in journalism schools. It has been written in the context of China, but its content and examples would also serve journalism teachers elsewhere well." (Introduction, page 8)
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"The media situation in Belarus has never been easy. With Aliaksandr Lukashenka being elected president of the country for the first time in 1994, the necessary reforms to provide media freedom have never materialised. Instead, over the years various laws have lessened the rights of independent jour
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nalists and imposed limits on both traditional and electronic media. Following the August 2020 presidential election, which ignited a brutal crackdown against the democratic opposition, the situation has worsened. Harassment, a hijacking, and politically motivated jail terms, both short and long, intimidate Belarusians who want to exchange ideas, report wrongdoing or fight for freedom of expression and freedom for the country. In January 2022, the Belarusian Association of Journalists confirmed the presence of at least 32 journalists in Belarusian jails. On the positive side, new electronic media cannot be banned effectively and absolutely. While the regime slowly expands its presence on the internet, Belarusians trust independent media more and use it more eagerly. However, society’s distancing of itself from traditional state-controlled media is increasingly met with an angry reaction from the state apparatus, which in turn further tightens related laws. The European Union, and the European Parliament in particular, actively support independent media and civil society in Belarus, and the Council of the EU and the Parliament both address the challenges to media freedom in the country. Financial help is also provided to Belarus and was even increased at the end of 2021, with priority areas of support including ‘systematically repressed’ independent media." (Summary)
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"This briefing document provides an overview of key developments in digital authoritarianism in 11 countries and explains the theoretical framework and methodology behind The Unfreedom Monitor project. The document also provides a basis for expanding this research to other countries to deepen our un
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derstanding of digital authoritarianism globally, as well as its crucial implications for the future. The preliminary sample of 11 countries was chosen to reflect a range of factors: system of government, approach to human rights (including rankings in indexes), and corporate relations. The countries are: Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, Morocco, Myanmar, Russia, Sudan, Tanzania, Turkey, and Zimbabwe." (Publisher description)
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"The transformation of Hong Kong is “unstoppable,” as one official has said. And journalists should not expect any special privileges. Journalists, including foreign journalists, are welcome. But they must stick to reporting basic facts, not align with what Beijing called the “anti-China force
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s” seeking to undermine the Communist Party, and not appear to challenge the local government and police. Chris Tang, the Secretary for Security who formerly headed the police, said: “Journalists must act in good faith to provide accurate and reliable information in accordance with the principles of responsible journalism, in order to be protected by the right to freedom of expression and the press.” But the “red lines” to be avoided remain vague. Journalists are unsure what is permissible and what might be considered a violation of national security. The consequences are grave, including possible imprisonment without bail, a presumption of guilt, and if convicted — as is likely in any national security offence — a lengthy prison sentence." (Conclusion)
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"In 2021, ARTICLE 19 set out to make sometimes invisible practices more visible, building on our existing programmes on the safety of women journalists worldwide. We undertook original research globally and specifically in six countries, three in Asia (Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka) and three in
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Latin America (Brazil, Chile, and Paraguay), all of which ARTICLE 19 is publishing separately, guided by the questions: What might feminist approaches to the protection of journalists look like, and what benefits might they bring? Our research findings form the basis of this report, which aims to: explore how feminist practices have been, are being, and can be applied to improve all women journalists' safety worldwide; bridge international legal and policy frameworks on the safety of journalists with the practical approaches being adopted on the ground; and catalyse a conversation about how - together - we can move towards feminist approaches to the safety of journalists. From national organisations to grassroots networks, this report documents women's monumental efforts to make structural changes, tackle entrenched patterns of gender-based discrimination and violence, and enhance the safety of women journalists. The initiatives showcased here are a testament to the creativity and resilience of those working on the feminist frontlines." (Introduction)
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"This report specifically looks at the situation of local actors who, while they are impacted by the circulation of harmful content on social media or the moderation thereof, often find themselves unable to take effective action to improve their situation in that respect." (Introduction)
"This research has shown that in the midst of the complex and diverse cultural context of Indonesia, growing use and misuse of social media in the country, and the complexity of ‘grey-area’ problematic content in the country, there has been a lack of meaningful and continuous dialogue between pl
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atforms and leading and peripheral civil society groups. Civil society groups and lay users have been battling individually, instead of coordinating, against the content moderation decisions of platforms. Most of them do not know how to appeal against the platform’s decisions. Meanwhile, the leading civil society groups in their capacity as the official partners of platforms have often felt powerless in the negotiation process with platforms. Platforms usually hold the final decision-making power, while not displaying sufficient understanding of the complexity of the local context. Accordingly, there have been cases of over and under content moderation in the country, that either hurt freedom of expression or the safety of individuals and public. When we submitted the idea of a local Coalition on Freedom of Expression and Content Moderation to the interviewees, most of them responded positively. To be clear, there is already a number of multi-stakeholder groups and civil society alliances working on issues of Internet governance, freedom of expression, and social media ethics in the country, but only few have shown interest, resources, and commitment to develop work on the issue of the contribution of local actors to content moderation on social media." (Recommendations, page 57)
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"This report explores the local-specific contextual concerns stemming from global, non-transparent, and profit-driven content moderation processes of social media. The report analyses what happens when certain local communities and countries are 'invisible' to social media platforms and illustrates
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how cross-sectoral collaboration in the form of a coalition for freedom of expression and content moderation could help these communities engage with social media platforms and have a voice in content moderation cases that impact their society." (Executive summary)
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