"Nicht nur Medienkonsumenten, auch Redakteure und Journalisten fanden sich während des Golfkrieges in einem Mediengefängnis wieder, in dem sich mensch vollkommen eingenebelt fühlte und nicht mehr wußte, "wo es lang ging". Während er den Krieg scheinbar live am Bildschirm miterleben konnte, muß
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te mensch die Erfahrung machen, daran ausgeliefert zu sein, trotz aller Versuche und Bemühungen, keine Informationen über die tatsächlichen Hintergründe und Ereignisse des Krieges zu erhalten. Dabei begann die Desinformationskampagne nicht erst mit Inkrafttreten der Zensurbestimmungen Mitte Januar 1991, sondern die US-Regierung hat bereits in Vorbereitung auf den Krieg maßgebliche Informationen durch Zensur und Propaganda entstellt. Nach Einschätzung von Philip Knightley diente das Nachrichtenmanagement am Golf hauptsächlich drei Zielen: dem Feind Informationen vorzuenthalten, Unterstützung für den Krieg zu schaffen und die öffentliche Meinung über die Bedeutung des Krieges grundlegend zu verändern. In der Bundesrepublik, die am Golfkrieg zwar militärisch nicht beteiligt war, die ihn aber zu einem erheblichen Teil mitfinanzierte, kam diesem letztgenannten Ziel besondere Bedeutung zu. Tonangebende Politiker und Publizisten nutzten den Krieg, um die Debatte über die Neubegründung der Bundeswehr und über den Krieg als Mittel der Politik in Gang zu setzen. Das vorliegende Buch ist der medienpsychologischen Analyse der bundesdeutschen Golfkriegsberichterstattung gewidmet und untersucht, wie diese Neubewertung des Krieges durch die Berichterstattung am Golf vorbereitet wurde und welche Auswirkungen dies auf die Medienkonsumenten hatte." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The primary objective of this book is to present a wide range of community radio projects, not so that the “ideal” model can be identified, but in the hope that the book will serve as a useful tool for community broadcasters and potential community broadcasters looking to create or adapt models
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of community radio that are suited to the specific conditions they face. This objective of facilitating an international exchange of experiences and ideas has been AMARC’s primary motivator since the first World Conference of Community Radio Broadcasters took place in 1983. The use of radio as a tool for cultural and political change, while a growing phenomena, is not new. Indeed, the first participatory community radio stations surfaced almost simultaneously in Colombia and the United States over forty years ago. Since that time, innumerable participatory radio projects have attempted to promote community-led change in a variety of ways. Some of these projects have attempted to foster this change by providing formal education in areas such as literacy and mathematics, or by promoting agricultural techniques suited to a particular vision of development defined by the central government. This type of project has been common in the Third World, especially in Africa and Asia. Sri Lanka’s Mahaweli Community Radio (chapter 13) is one example of such a project. Other projects have been more political and have attempted to support the organisational and cultural initiatives of marginalised communities. These are the projects that tend to involve listeners in a participatory process. Haiti’s Radio Soleil (chapter 9) and Zoom Black Magic Liberation Radio in the United States (chapter 10) are two examples. Following the tradition of participatory communication, most of the chapters in this book are not written by impartial observers but by people with first-hand knowledge of community radio and with direct experience in the projects they write about." (Introduction)
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"Der vorliegende Beitrag will die Bedeutung visueller Medieninhalte deutlich machen, indem er die vorliegende Literarur systematisch aufarbeitet und zugleich eigene Befunde darstellt. In einem ersten Teil stelle ich Inhaltsanalysen visueller Medieninhalte vor, wobei ich zwischen Studien zum Inhalt u
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nd zur Tendenz optischer Mitteilungen unterscheide. Auf dieser Grundlage werden dann Methoden zur Idcntifikation von Tendenz in der Bildberichterstattung herausgearbeitet. 1m zweiten Teil des Beitrages referiere ich eine eigene Analyse der Bildberichterstattung des deutschen Fernsehens über den Konflikt in Mittelamerika im Jahre 1984. 1m Mittelpunkt steht dabei ein Vergleich visueller und verbaler Wertungen anhand inhaltlich korrespondierender Bild- und Textkategorien." (Seite 461)
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"Scholarly articles and books on violence and terror in the mass media comprise the bulk of this bibliography. The 784 entries are numbered, divided into sections on mass media content, mass media effects, pornography, and terrorism, then arranged alphabetically by author. Content and effects chapte
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rs are by far the largest, spanning 673 entries and 184 pages. Annotations are descriptive. The introduction lists several other useful bibliographic studies of terrorism and violence, including Richard L. Moreland and Michael L. Berbaum's "Terrorism and the Mass Media: A Researcher's Bibliographyˆ in Abraham H. Miller's (ed. ) Terrorism: The Media and the Law (Transnational, 1982) and Violence and the Media: A Bibliography (Toronto: The Royal Commission, 1977). This publication started as a UNESCO project in 1984 and includes, according to the compilers, most relevant publications through early 1987. Most works included were published in the United States, although "an effort was made to obtain and include studies from all countries where relevant research has been conducted. Communications research in general and media violence studies in particular have had the widest reach in the United States." (Jo A. Cates: Journalism - a guide to the reference literature. Englewood, Col.: Libraries Unlimited, 2nd ed. 1997 nr. 108)
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"The 'Uncensored War' gives a richly detailed account of what Americans read and watched about Vietnam. Hallin draws on the complete body of the New York Times coverage from 1961 to 1965, a sample of hundreds of television reports from 1965-73, including television coverage filmed by the Defense Dep
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artment in the early years of the war, and interviews with many of the journalists who reported it, to give a powerful critique of the conventional wisdom, both conservative and liberal, about the media and Vietnam. Far from being a consistent adversary of government policy in Vietnam, Hallin shows, the media were closely tied to official perspectives throughout the war, though divisions in the government itself and contradictions in its public relations policies caused every administration, at certain times, to lose its ability to "manage" the news effectively. As for television, it neither showed the "literal horror of war," nor did it play a leading role in the collapse of support: it presented a highly idealized picture of the war in the early years, and shifted toward a more critical view only after public unhappiness and elite divisions over the war were well advanced." (Publisher description)
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