"This paper argues that the safety of journalists in Ghana can no longer be taken for granted given the available evidence of physical attacks on journalists (Joint Statement NMC et al., 2016 and MFWA, 2016). The overarching objective of the study is to portray Donkor’s case as typical of similar
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cases in Ghana and beyond and highlight the implications of attacks on journalists. In the past decade or so, physical attacks on journalist have been the most prevalent form of violation against journalists in Ghana. In this essay, a single case study of Donkor is examined together with relevant documents as the tip of an iceberg to demonstrate and paint a picture of the harrowing and degrading experience of physical and other forms of attacks against journalists in Ghana and its implications for safeguarding press freedom and the fundamental human rights of people. The incidence of attacks against journalists and how such perpetrators often go unpunished, though not a phenomenon peculiar only to Ghana, needs serious interrogation given the latitude of freedom of the media guaranteed in the 1992 fourth republican Constitution of Ghana. It is pertinent to ask: how far have stakeholders contributed to the promotion of journalists’ safety as prescribed in UNESCO’s Safety of Journalists Document? While chronicling some instances of actions, which tend to endanger the lives of journalists in the line of duty, I would conclude that a concerted effort is required to enable journalists, the public, civil society organisations, international organisations and state institutions to initiate strategic actions aimed at tackling the problem." (Abstract)
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"Previous studies of intimidation and harassment of journalists have (rightly) focused on non-democratic and authoritarian nations and/or transitional/emerging democracies. In this article, we examine the situation in Sweden, a country with strong de facto and de jure safeguards of journalistic free
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dom and autonomy. We report the findings from a representative survey of Swedish journalists where three themes are analysed: the extent of harassment, the forms of harassment, and the consequences of intimidation and harassment. The results show that a third of the respondents had experienced threats at work in the past year, and an overwhelming majority said they had received offensive and insulting comments. Intimidation and harassment also had consequences, both professionally and personally, such as fear and self-censorship. We therefore argue that it is time to add the dimension of external pressure and threats to the discussion of journalistic autonomy—including in countries like Sweden." (Abstract)
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"This United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) report documents the national state of journalists' safety and the issue of impunity by providing an overview of the safety situation of journalists in Nepal. It also examines the context of safety and the responsibility
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of all stakeholders in addressing the issue of journalists' safety in the country. Based on UNESCO's Media Development Indicators (MDI), UNESCO's Journalists' Safety Indicators (JSI) are developed within the context of the endorsement of the UN Plan of Action on Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, providing a baseline of knowledge against which progress can be assessed. Using various methods, including document analysis and interviews with various informants, this research documents the actors and actions in place for the protection of journalists in Nepal, grouped around 4 key indicator categories, namely: the roles and response of the State and other political actors; the roles and response of civil society and academia; the roles and response of media and intermediaries; and the roles and response of the UN system and other extra-national actors with a presence in Nepal. In an overview of the situation of journalists' safety in Nepal, this report also provides information on the number of threats and attacks on journalists in the course of their work. Appendix one describes the methodology and sources of data in more detail." (Abstract)
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"The study finds that Kenyan journalists face serious challenges in the course of their work. Further, both State and non-State actors have contributed to a deteriorating climate for journalists. The number of threats, incidents of harassment and intimidation as well as legal and personal attacks, h
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as grown within the period under study." (Executive summary)
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"Purpose: More journalists died in Syria during 2013 than in any other country experiencing conflict. This statistic raises concerns about the psychological wellbeing of journalists covering the internecine violence. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach: The study sample
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was made up of 59 western journalists currently covering the Syrian conflict. To place these results in the broader context of war journalism previously collected data from a group of 84 journalists who had reported the war in Iraq were used as a control sample. Outcome measures included indices of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Impact of Event Scale-revised) and psychological distress (General Health Questionnaire-28 item version (GHQ-28)). Findings: Compared to journalists who covered the Iraq war, the journalists working in Syria were more likely to be female (p = 0.007), single (p = 0.018), freelance (p = 0.0001) and had worked fewer years as a journalist (p = 0.012). They were more depressed according to the GHQ-28 (p = 0.001) and endorsed more individual symptoms of depression including worthlessness (p = 0.012), helplessness (p = 0.02) and suicidal intent (p = 0.003). A linear regression analysis revealed that the group differences in depression data could not be accounted for by demographic factors. Research limitations/implications: An absence of structured interviews. Results not applicable to local Syrian journalists. Practical implications: Western journalists covering Syrian appear to be particularly vulnerable to the development of depression. Journalists and the news organizations that employ them need to be cognizant of data such as these. Given that depression is treatable, there needs to be a mechanism in place to detect and treat those in need. Originality/value: This is the first study that highlights the emotional toll on western journalists covering the Syrian conflict. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)." (Abstract)
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"The subject of this article is the issue of journalist-spies in the Bulgarian media before and after the fall of communism in 1989. The focus is on the perceptions of Bulgarian journalists on the role alleged secret service collaborators played, and continue to play, in the postcommunist society an
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d media landscape. Role perceptions are explored through semi-structured interviews with practicing journalists from the capital city, Sofia. The findings suggest that Bulgarian journalists continue to be concerned with, and affected by, the influence of former communist spies on the Bulgarian media, a controversy that has largely been ignored by media scholars." (Abstract)
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"Objective: To assess the psychological health of journalists in Kenya who have reported on, and been exposed to, extreme violence. Design: Descriptive. Psychological responses were elicited to two stressors, the ethnic violence surrounding the disputed 2007 general election and the Al-Shabab attack
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on the Westgate Mall in Nairobi. Participants: A representative sample of 90 Kenyan journalists was enrolled. Setting: Newsrooms of two national news organizations in Kenya. Main outcome measures: Symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (Impact of Event Scale-revised), depression (Deck Depression inventory-revised) and general psychological wellbeing (General Health Questionnaire).
Results: Of the 90 journalists approached 57 (63.3%) responded. Journalists covering the election violence (n*=*23) reported significantly more PTSD type intrusion (p*=*0.027) and arousal (p*=*0.024) symptoms than their colleagues (n*=*34) who had not covered the violence. Reporting the Westgate attack was not associated with increased psychopathology. Being wounded (n*=*11) emerged as the most robust independent predictor of emotional distress. Journalists covering the ethnic violence compared to colleagues who did not were not more likely to receive psychological counselling.
Conclusions: These data, the first of their kind from an African country, replicate findings over a decade old from Western media, namely that journalists asked to cover life-threatening events may develop significant symptoms of emotional difficulties and fail to receive therapy for them. Good journalism, a pillar of civil society, depends on healthy journalists. It is hoped that these data act as a catalyst encouraging news organisations sending journalists into harm’s way to look out for their psychological health in doing so." (Abstract)
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"Russian President Vladimir Putin’s regime has taken control of the traditional media in Russia: TV, radio and newspapers. As Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu has stated, the Kremlin sees the mass media as a ‘weapon’. Now Russia’s leadership is trying to take control of social media to
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o, and for this massive operation a new information warfare tool has been mobilised—an army of fake social media Putin-fans, known as ‘trolls’. My investigation has discovered that coordinated social media propaganda writers are twisting and manipulating the public debate in Finland, too. Trolls and bots distribute vast amounts of false information in various languages, and target individual citizens for aggressive operations. Aggressive trolls have created a feeling of fear among some of my interviewees, causing them to stop making Russia-related comments online. Trolling has had a serious impact on freedom of speech, even outside Russia. Thus, it should be viewed as a national security threat that needs to be addressed accordingly. The question is: how should the Kremlin’s trolls and disinformation be countered?" (Abstract)
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"This article discusses the role of the former communist party elite (the nomenklatura) in the Bulgarian post-communist media landscape in relation to media ownership and the origin of media outlets’ capital. The spotlight is on Bulgarian journalists’ perceptions examined through semi-structured
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interviews with a cohort of media professionals from the capital city, Sofia. The findings indicate that Bulgarian journalists are strongly interested in, and concerned with, the influence of members of the former nomenklatura and their informal networks on the Bulgarian media landscape and particularly on the way the media in Bulgaria have been owned and financed since 1989." (Abstract)
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"During the last decade, the image of war correspondents in the news has shifted dramatically. Reports are no longer full of cheerleading stories of embedded journalists. Instead, stories of war reporters being attacked, kidnapped or injured prevail. Sadly, the former heroic witnesses to war have be
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come victims of their own story. In this book, Nina Burri provides the first comprehensive analysis on how international law protects professional and citizen journalists, photographers, cameramen and their support staff during times of war. Using examples from recent armed conflicts in Iraq, Libya, Gaza and Syria, Burri explores the means, methods and risks of contemporary war coverage and examines the protection of news providers by international humanitarian law, international criminal law and human rights law." (Abstract)
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"During President Felipe Calderón Hinojosa’s administration, the military was called on to confront organized crime, and dozens of journalists were killed in Mexico. Attacks on journalists have continued under the new administration. This study focuses on the erosion of the democratic institution
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of the press in Mexico’s northern states, for the majority of journalists murdered in the last decade worked in that region. Utilizing Shoemaker and Reese’s hierarchy of influences model, this study examines pressures constraining the press working in a tide of violence. The thirty-nine semistructured, in-depth interviews with Mexican journalists, who report in five of the northern states, indicate the strongest influences came from outside newsrooms, where intimidation and unthinkable crimes were committed against the press along the entire border. Individual-level influences, such as lack of conflict-reporting training, safety concerns, and handling the trauma of covering violence, were among the strongest pressures often leading to self-censorship. Organizational-level influences, including newsroom policies and financial arrangements with government and business, also influenced journalistic practice. The study added an inter-media level for analyses of news organizations and individual journalists working together to increase safety. Additional findings show major disruptions in border reporting where news “blackouts” exist amid pockets of lawlessness." (Abstract)
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"War Reporters Under Threat describes the threat of violence facing war reporters from the United States government and some of its closest allies. Chris Paterson argues that what should have been the lesson for the press following the invasion of Iraq - that they will be treated instrumentally by t
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he US government - has been mostly ignored. As a result, even nominally democratic states cannot be counted upon to protect journalists in conflict, and urgent reform of legal protections for journalists is required. War Reporters Under Threat combines critical scholarship with original investigation to assess the impact of the US government's obsession with information control and protection of its own troops. While the press-military relationship has been well researched, this book is the first to elaborate the US government threat to journalists." (Abstract)
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"This article explores the suppression of press freedoms in Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government in the late 2000s. Drawing upon analyses of laws and legislation, surveys, reports, and interviews with journalists, it demonstrates how press censorship in Turkey has been act
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ivated through a dispersed network of state power, commercial forces, and self-Censorship. The article brings together critical analyses of state power, surveillance, corporate media, and self-Censorship, and sheds light on the AKP's financial sanctions on media conglomerates, its instrumentalization of a major political investigation known as the Ergenekon, and its crackdown on Kurdish journalists on charges of terrorism." (Abstract)
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"Every year, several international organizations monitoring press freedom worldwide issue reports in which they underline the occupational hazards faced by journalists while reporting. Some African countries, such as Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia or Equatorial Guinea, have been regularly pinpointed at the
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bottom of these annual rankings. A few others (Cap Vert, Namibia, Niger, Ghana, South Africa) are crawling among the top 50 countries in the world. How do the indicators used by those organizations reveal a specific understanding of the professional practices and of the risks associated with it? Are they relevant to the reality of the daily practice of journalism on the African continent? Has this image led to particular measures aimed at preventing or self-regulating potential abuses in view of the risks incurred? Are there other ‘high-risk’ areas of the professional practice that these indicators fail to cover, and why? Starting from a reflection on the criteria used internationally to assess press freedom, and on the ‘risks’ associated with the profession, this article tries to show that the threats upon media professionals on the African continent are much more complex than those rankings and their indicators would suggest." (Abstract)
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"Mexico ranks as one of the most violent countries in the world for journalists, and especially for those who work on the country’s periphery such as its northern border. Given the dire situation for Mexican reporters covering the northern part of the country, and the continued responsibility of U
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S journalists to report on the area just south of the border, this qualitative study addresses the overarching research question that examines how Mexican and US journalists who cover northern Mexico are using social media, given the heightened levels of violence in the region. The authors utilize a modified version of the conceptual framework of scale-shifting to investigate how journalists in a specific transnational environment of conflict are using social media. The study is based on a qualitative analysis of 41 interviews gathered in fall 2011 in 18 cities with news media outlets along the United States–Mexico border. Findings describe the innovative ways that journalists are circumventing online security risks (what the authors call scale-shifting) and how social media are used to build cross-border relationships." (Abstract)
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"Journalism in Mexico has become a high-risk profession. With 137 journalists killed and 14 missing since the start of the “drug wars” there, Mexico has become the Latin American country with the most crimes against journalists (Rodríguez Olvera, 2011). Between 2000 and 2011, the National Commi
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ssion of Human Rights (CNDH. Mexico) reported 74 murders of journalists in Mexico (cited in Meneses, 2012); consequently, some international organizations placed it as the second most dangerous country to practice journalism (Meneses, 2012). They have become endangered observers of drug trafficking crimes when retaliation threatens their disappearance or murder. This reduces freedom of expression and freedom of the press, and threatens citizens’ right to be informed. Historically, journalists have performed their jobs under pressure, and have thus been dependent on the interests of the media. In Mexico, over the past decade, members of this profession have faced great risks in order to do their jobs in the midst of a war against drug trafficking." (Introduction)
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"Turkey is a country where democratization process has been repeatedly interrupted by military interventions in the past 50 years. Censorship and self-censorship have become ordinary practices in the media, mainly due to weak parliamentary representations followed by oppressive coup periods. Yet eve
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n though a democratically elected government is currently in charge of the country, censorship of the press remains to be a common and systematic to silence alternative views. It is also claimed that self-censorship is widespread within the press. A report published by Freedom House in 2010 argues that while Turkish officials continue to enforce strict laws, journalists are frequently jailed for discussing issues such as the Kurdish problem, the military or political Islam. The government that is led by the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) is continuing to crack down on unfavorable press coverage. This article presents the findings of a survey titled “Censorship and Self-Censorship in Turkey, 2011.” The participants of the study were Turkish journalists and the questions revolved around their personal experiences with regards to censorship and self-censorship. Their answers reveal why Turkish media seldom makes news for public interest." (Abstract)
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"I have been asked by the Council of Europe Steering Committee on Media and Information Society (CDMSI) for a paper setting out the principles that can be drawn from the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (“the Court”) relating to the protection and safety of journalists and journali
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sm. I understand that the overall objective of the CDMSI is to establish a declaration of principles and to draft an in-depth recommendation to member states which includes the positive obligations upon states in respect of journalists." (Abstract)
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"At the beginning of 2008, the war between two powerful Mexican drug cartels generated an incredible wave of violence in some cities along the US-Mexican border. In Ciudad Juárez, located in the northern state of Chihuahua and to the west of the Texas-Mexico border, the feud over control of drug-tr
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afficking routes between the Cartel de Sinaloa and the Cartel de Juárez has claimed the lives of more than 10,000 people since the war began. Figures from the Chihuahua’s State Attorney Office offer a clear picture of the escalation of violence: in 2007, 307 people were killed in cases related to drug traffi cking; in 2008, the number rose to 1,607; in 2009, it was 2,601; and by 2010, the most violent year in the period, assassinations escalated to 3,156. At the height of the drug war, killings became so randomized that anyone could fall victim, including journalists, as the next chapter details. An entire society was affected by an increase in kidnappings, extortion, robberies, and a vast array of crimes, with youth often becoming favorite targets. The massacre of 15 teenagers and football players during a birthday party the night of January 31, 2010, was an indicator of the level of deterioration of the city. In July, a car bomb exploded in the middle of a busy avenue in downtown Juárez. It was the first time that drug cartels used a car bomb to attack civilians and police. The explosion of the vehicle, packed with 22 pounds of a powerful water gel explosive, left three people dead and a dozen civilians wounded. The violence was reaching an unprecedented level, particularly on the weekends. Reports of slaughtered scores were the top stories in local newspapers every Monday morning. During one weekend in February 2010, 53 people were massacred in different incidents. The violence had yet to reach its peak." (Abstract)
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