"The book [...] examines the dedicated policies targeting the SDGs, as well as political and institutional drivers of synergies and trade-offs between the SDGs in selected key areas – both cross-nationally and in specific country contexts. Their analysis moves beyond the focus on links between SDG
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indicators and targets. Instead, the book takes advantage of recent evidence from the initial implementation phase of the SDGs and each chapter explores the question of which political-institutional prerequisites, governance mechanisms and policy instruments are suited to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs. The findings presented are intended to both inform high-level policy debates and to provide orientation for practitioners working on development cooperation." (Publisher description)
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"Who owns the media and communications in Africa today and with what implications? The book elegantly answers this urgent question by unpacking multiple dimensions of media ownership through rare and authoritative perspectives, including both historical and contemporary digital developments. It trac
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es the evolving forms of ownership of media and communications in specific African contexts, showing how they interact with broader changes in and outside the continent. The book also shows how Big Techs, such as Meta (formerly known as Facebook), are involved in a scramble for Africa’s digital ecosystem and how their advance brings both opportunities and concerns about ownership and control. The chapters analyse evolving forms of ownership and their implications on media concentration and democracy across Africa. The book offers a nuanced account of how media ownership structures are in some instances captured with an ever-growing and complex ecosystem that also has new opportunities for public interest media. Offering a significant representation of the trends and diversity of existing media systems, the book goes beyond the postcolonial geographical divisions of North and Sub-Saharan Africa to highlight common patterns and significant similarities and differences of communications ownerships between and within African countries. The contributors expose media and communications ownership patterns in Africa that are centralised and yet decentralising and in some cases, battling, resurging and globalising." (Publisher description)
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"The study was sparked by the absence of literature on transnational masspersonal communication (tmc) of 'Eritrean', 'Ethiopian', Oromo, and Somali diaspora communities. To bridge this theoretical gap, an empirical study was conducted at meso-level based on three questions: (a) what topics do people
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in the diaspora communities discuss in relation to their homelands via social media - an alternative for tmc; (b) how do they communicate about their homelands' issues in relation to their collective identities; and (c) how does this communication enable the construction of their own identity as well as the deconstruction of competing identities. The theoretical analysis from the perspective of these questions led to developing own model, i.e., the Diasporic Identity Construction in Transnational Masspersonal Communication Model (DICTMCM). This model, which connects the theoretical analysis to the empirical study, argues that their communication in relation to their homelands, particularly about their collective identities, consists not only of what they talk but also of how they converse. As a result, the empirical results delivered a comparative analysis of the tmc of these four diaspora communities and how they construct their collective identities via this tmc, which bridged the above stated gap." (Publisher description)
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"This country report provides an overview of the extent to which gender is addressed in Ethiopia’s digital policies, strategies, and regulations, divided into categories such as international development instruments, national digital policies and strategies, and digital sector-related laws and reg
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ulations. The report includes a non-exhaustive list of specific programmes supporting digital inclusion in Ethiopia. The five pillars considered for analysis of gender in ICT strategies, policies and regulations are access to digital technology, digital skills, financial inclusion, entrepreneurship and leadership and digital infrastructure. There are explicit references to digital gender equality in Ethiopia’s digital policies and strategies. Based on the findings from the study, the report has a set of recommendations to enhance policies, laws, and regulations. There is a comprehensive checklist of preliminary policy actions that will help narrow the gender gap in Ethiopia. These range from ensuring women’s enrolment and completion of secondary and tertiary education to involving the private sector when making digital policies to facilitating women’s access to international networks." (Foreword)
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"Child domestic workers (CDWs) in Ethiopia tend to face challenging working conditions with limited access to education. Child domestic work refers to live-in or live-out work done in a household where the child’s biological parents do not reside and which often but does not always include some fo
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rm of remuneration. Child domestic work is common in Addis Ababa as it serves as an entry point into the labour market for girls migrating from rural to urban areas in Ethiopia (Erulkar et al., 2017). Indeed, a recent study estimated the prevalence of domestic work among girls aged 12–17 in Addis Ababa to be 37% (Erulkar et al., 2022). Though domestic work is not necessarily a harmful form of child labour, CDWs in Ethiopia often face mistreatment and abuse from their employers (Population Council and Freedom Fund, 2021). This mistreatment is linked to broader social norms which place CDWs as inferior and less worthy than other members of the household. In an effort to change norms and behaviours towards the treatment of CDWs, the Freedom Fund implemented a norms and behavioural change campaign (NBCC) in 2022. The NBCC targeted employers of CDWs in Addis Ababa. It was funded through the Program to End Modern Slavery, an initiative of the United States Department of State’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons and was part of the Freedom Fund’s broader ‘Reducing the Prevalence of Child Domestic Servitude in Ethiopia’ programme. Based on the findings of formative research, the main objectives of the NBCC were to shift norms and behaviours relating to CDWs’ working conditions and access to education. [...] The NBCC reached 57% of employers interviewed during the baseline. Television was by far the main medium through which respondents were exposed to the campaign (95%) followed by online media (13%), physical posters (13%), and community discussions (6%). Using data on recall of campaign materials and participation in campaign activities, respondents were classified into three categories based on level of exposure: no exposure (43%), low exposure (17%), and high exposure (40%). The NBCC’s reach appears to have been uneven as younger respondents, women, and those with more education tended to have a higher level of exposure. Survey findings emphasised the differences in working conditions and access to school between CDWs who are related to their employer and those who are not. Whereas some CDWs are recruited as domestic workers, others are relatives of their employer (for example, a niece) and have been sent by their family to live in Addis Ababa. Those in the first category tend to work longer hours, as reported by their employer (35 per week compared to 24 for those related to their employer) and are less likely to be enrolled in school (25% compared to 75%)." (Executive summary)
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"[...] While Facebook and YouTube are the most preferred platforms for content consumption, Facebook stands as a less trusted platform among the audience (ranks 4th). Audiences prioritize quality entertainment, current information, reliable reporting, and educational value content, while content cre
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ators mostly cover topics like politics, business, and social issues.
Ethiopian users spend 2 to 4 hours daily on digital media, mainly accessed through smartphones. Online misinformation is widespread, and platforms like Telegram, websites, and YouTube are more trusted. Connectivity challenges, high staff-turnover, and limited advertising opportunities hinder content production and distribution. Digital media outlets engage with audiences through various platforms, targeting youth with a higher proportion of male users. Editorial systems, physical infrastructure, and revenue models vary among digital media outlets.
The study recommends that media organizations enhance digital literacy and fact-checking skills, diversify revenue streams, utilize digital storytelling tools, and access training programs. It suggests that government institutions streamline administrative procedures and provide incentives for digital innovation. Media development organizations are encouraged to offer capacity-building programs, provide financial and technical support, and collaborate on media literacy initiatives and fact-checking platforms. Acting on these recommendations could help mitigate challenges related to content production, verification, revenue generation, media literacy, and collaboration." (Executive summary)
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"This volume presents case studies of news media employing and integrating social media into their news production practices. It links social media use to journalistic practices and news production processes in the digital age of the Global South. Critically, the chapters look at seminal cases of st
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art-up news media whose content is informed by trends in social media, ethical considerations and participatory cultures spurred by the wide use of social media. There has been considerable research looking at the potential of new media technologies, traditional journalism and citizen reporting. The extent to which these new media technologies and 'citizen journalism' have morphed or reconfigured traditional journalism practice remains debatable. Currently, there are questions around the limits of social media in journalism practice as the ethical lines continue to become blurred. It is this conundrum of the role of social media in the reconfiguration of the media, news making, production and participatory cultures that requires more investigation. Social media has also turned the logic of the political economy of media production on its head as citizens can now produce, package and distribute news and information with shoestring budgets and in authoritarian regimes with no license of practice. This new political economy means the power that special interest groups used to enjoy is increasingly slipping from their hands as citizens take back the power to appropriate social media journalism to counter hegemonic narratives. Citizens can also perform journalistic roles of investigating and whistleblowing but with a lack off, or limited, regulation." (Publisher description)
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"Background: The demand for health-related information has increased dramatically in recent years. Media is crucial in reaching health messages to audiences, especially those who are distant and rural. Therefore, the study aimed to assess demands, access, and factors associated with access to health
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messages through mass media in the rural community of Kersa District of East Hararghe, Eastern Ethiopia. A mixed-methods study was conducted from October 15 to November 20, 2020. A quantitative cross-sectional and a qualitative phenomenological study design were applied. A total of 578 participants were included by using a systematic sampling technique. Collected data were entered into Epidata version 3.1 and analyzed using SPSS version 22.0. A multivariate logistic regression analysis model was used and reported using an adjusted odds ratio (AOR) with a 95% confidence interval (CI). Statistical significance was set at p <0.05. For qualitative, six-focused group discussions (FGDs) were used and then analyzed thematically. Results: Overall, the demand of and access to health messages through mass media was 32.5% (95% CI=28.5–34.2%) and 26.6% (95% CI=24.6–28.7%), respectively. Factors such as having electric services (AOR=2.36, 95% CI=2.13–5.41), having a mobile phone (AOR=4.56, 95% CI=4.32–8.73), exposure to TV (AOR=4.73, 95% CI=1.03–11.62), and exposure to social media and printed media (AOR=5.24, 95% CI=1.07–15.63), a preference for programs such as news, current affairs, entertainment, health and educational were 2.37, 9.47, 4.75 and 7.55 times more likely to access health messages (AOR=2.37, 95% CI=1.00–5.61; AOR=9.47, 95% CI=3.54–25.34; AOR=4.75, 95% CI=1.23–18.38; and AOR=7.55, 95% CI=3.12–8.66, respectively). Qualitative findings, participants demand for health messages from health workers, radio, and the main source for accessing the message was the radio. Approximately one in every three and one in every four rural communities in the study area had demand, and access to health messages through mass media, respectively. As a result, all stakeholders should emphasize and strengthen expanding methods of reaching health messages using mass media." (Abstract)
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"Kolonialismus ist Teil vieler europäischer Familiengeschichten: Bis heute bewahren Familien Tagebücher, Militaria oder Beutestücke auf, die VorfahrInnen als koloniale AkteurInnen nach Hause gebracht haben. Sie bezeugen nicht nur familiäre Verstrickungen, sondern haben obendrein über Jahrzehnte
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hinweg kollektive Vorstellungen über die koloniale Vergangenheit geprägt. Fotografien waren daran - als vermeintlich authentische Zeugnisse - ganz wesentlich beteiligt. Über den Tod der "Erlebnisgenerationen" hinaus vermittelten sie koloniale "Erfolgsgeschichten", wodurch Familien zu einem Hort kolonialer Geschichtsmythen, etwa der "anständigen" KolonialherrInnen, wurden. Dieses Buch nimmt die kolonialen Bildbestände von Familien in der italienischen Provinz Bozen / Bolzano in den Blick, deren (Groß-)Vätergeneration am faschistischen Kolonialkrieg gegen das Kaiserreich Abessinien (1935-1941) teilgenommen hatte. Markus Wurzer untersucht die "sozialen Leben" kolonialer Bilder, also wie und wozu diese durch Soldaten und ihre Familien (re-)produziert, gebraucht und über Generationen hinweg weitergegeben wurden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The volume helps us deconstruct COVID-19 discourses on crisis communication and media developments focusing on three areas: Media viability, Framing and Health crisis communication. The chapters unpack issues on marginalisation, gender, media sustainability, credibility, priming, trust, sources, be
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havioural change, mental health, (mis)information, vaccine hesitancy and myths and more. Ultimately, this volume roots for sustainable and quality journalism, human (information and communication) rights, commitment to truth and efficacious (health) crisis communication." (Publisher description)
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"Non-state media journalists in Ethiopia traditionally faced safety threats emanating from state-sponsored attacks and punitive legal frameworks. Recently, however, state hostility is being replaced by non-state actors’ aggression against journalists. By framing emerging threats of reporters’ sa
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fety in Ethiopia within normative vis-à-vis alternative debates of journalism practice in the context of transitional, unstable, pluralistic-partizan societies, this study examines the prevalence of non-state actors in remapping threats of journalistic impunity in Ethiopia. Key findings from interviews conducted with editors, reporters, and other practitioners indicate, while the government cannot be ruled out as a safety threat for journalists, there is an emerging consensus that identifies non-state actors such as vigilante groups, influential social media political personalities, and weaponized media as the most perceptible safety risks to journalism practice. Although threat levels vary depending on journalists’ regional affiliation or perceived ethnic identity/political worldview, domestic journalists face increased native othering that amounts to mobility restrictions and physical aggression compared to foreign correspondents." (Abstract)
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"To prevent the spread of COVID-19 and carry out a successful vaccination program especially in low-income countries, people must have faith on scientists and health experts. The most significant challenge to vaccination programs' efficacy is now regarded to be a lack of information and trust in imm
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unization due to myths and misinformation spread in the community. Therefore, this study aimed to identify the myth and misconceptions that are propagated about the COVID-19 vaccine, the refusal rate of the vaccine and determine the factors associated with COVID-19 vaccine refusal. A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted from December 7 to January 25, 2022. Face-to-face interviews with a standardized questionnaire were used to collect data on the variables. Data were entered into the statistical tool Epi data version 3.1 and then exported to SPSS version 25 for analysis. Binary logistic regression, both bivariable and multivariable, was conducted. In the multivariable binary logistic regression model, the adjusted odds ratio with 95% confidence interval was used to declare statistically significant factors based on a p value less than 0.05. Factors like eHealth literacy, source of information about the vaccine, frequency of internet use, respondent's perception about the vaccine and computer literacy were found to be determinant factors for COVID-19 vaccine acceptance." (Abstract)
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"For most of its modern history, the news media in Ethiopia have been a tool for government control. But 2018 brought a wave of optimism to Africa’s second most populous nation. Anti-government protests forced the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to undertake majo
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r reforms to its authoritarian rule in an effort to stave off mass violence and the potential collapse of the central government. The incumbent prime minister, Hai lemariam Desalegn, was forced to resign. In his place, the EPRDF nominated Abiy Ahmed, a young and charismatic reformer from the long-marginalized Oromiya region. Overnight, protestors lifted roadblocks and popular discontent transformed into euphoria and hope for a better future. This set the stage for one of the most remarkable attempts at media reform in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. The Abiy government freed journalists from prison; deregulated the sector, enabling the establishment of dozens of new media houses; and put into motion a media reform process that brought government and civil society together in a shared vision for change. However, these early successes have faltered. Quick deregulation without strong enabling institutions and laws created a surge of media outlets and journalism associations that fueled polarization and conflict along ethnic fault lines." (Page 1)
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"The advancement of digital technologies, political and legal changes, and the growth in the number of journalism schools in Ethiopia have generally contributed to the overall growth of media outlets and media workers. However, there is no comprehensive source of information that shows the impact of
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these changes and developments in the general information ecosystem. Disinformation is still the major challenge the media space is grappling with. In addition, there are few developments in ethical and professional excellence among media practitioners. Therefore, the Center for the Advancement of Rights and Democracy (CARD) has been engaged in multiple activities to avail increased information about the media space, to raise the skills and capacities of journalists and online content creators, to bring journalists’ associations together, and to partner with other media support groups to encourage a professionally vibrant media culture. Thus, CARD commissioned this survey/review of the media landscape to help stakeholders understand the size and capacity of media outlets in Ethiopia. The survey ran a census of registered media outlets, and journalist associations, and disaggregated the data by their preferred medium of outlets as well as the professional background (training) of media workers. In addition, desk research has been conducted to understand the impact of legal and practical changes on Ethiopian media. This survey will be a powerful tool for stakeholders who are working on the media. It will help one have a better understanding of the capacity of media in Ethiopia to deliver diverse and alternative information to the diverse needs of Ethiopian society. Media support groups can accordingly design project activities to fill gaps and encourage improvements. The regulatory body, the Ethiopian Media Authority, can also use this to refine the media policy further and incentivize where the media is lagging." (Abstract)
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"Community radio is an important tool in bridging the information gap and in mobilizing society for development activities. This study aimed at investigating the emphasis of community radio programs in enhancing socio-economic development perspectives: the case of Sidama Radio in Yirgalem town, Ethi
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opia. The study employed qualitative methods; and in-depth interviews, FGD, and document analysis were the data collection tools used for this study. To select the FGD employees, availability sampling employed, and purposive sampling for one program coordinator and one manager from the station. The findings of the study demonstrated that the Sidama radio gave more airtime and emphasis on local issues and social development programs. The findings also revealed that Sidama radio produces different social, entertainment and education programs with the social development perspectives of the community. The findings depicted that there are also programs that promote the local language and culture through local music, and narration. The study also depicted that the community members participate in the administration of the station as well as in the production of the programs as the radio provides a platform for community and community participation and empowerment as many of the volunteer journalists are from the community. The media practitioners have the same understanding of the role of community radio for social interaction and empowerment although lack of finance and skills manpower were problems of the radio. It was recommended that continuous research in the area should be undertaken." (Abstract)
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"What are root causes of trust and distrust in media in different political contexts? How is media use shifted from one source to another with the change of political culture? What factors shape media perception across cultures and across political regimes? Are there commonalities or are they differ
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ent? Given the common instrumentalization of media in conflict environments and the growing ubiquity of political media capture, we may also ask, whether unfettered trust in media is normatively desirable under any circumstances. Put differently: Isn’t distrust a healthy response to propaganda and media manipulation? How is the concept of media literacy connected to trust or media scepticism? Do we need to be more sceptical rather than gullible? Against the backdrop of these (and other) questions, the Forum Media and Development (fome) dedicated its 2021 annual symposium to the question of trust in media, namely the question how media perception is shaped differently by different political contexts and media structures across the globe. Fome is the German platform for international media development initiatives (fome.info), a network that includes 24 organizations working towards strengthening free and independent media in developing and transitioning countries. The 2021 fome-symposium ran under the heading “Believe it or Not! Enquiries about TRUST in media (assistance)” and was organized by MiCT. The proceedings of the conference can be found online at https://fome.info/symposium-2021-documentation. Finally, this themed issue of the Global Media Journal – German Edition is curated as an extension of the conference and an effort to follow up upon some of the most pressing questions deriving from it." (Editorial)
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