"Trust in the news has fallen in almost half the countries in our survey, and risen in just seven, partly reversing the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, around four in ten of our total sample (42%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the countr
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y with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while news trust in the USA has fallen by a further three percentage points and remains the lowest (26%) in our survey.
• Consumption of traditional media, such as TV and print, declined further in the last year in almost all markets (pre-Ukraine invasion), with online and social consumption not making up the gap. While the majority remain very engaged, others are turning away from the news media and in some cases disconnecting from news altogether. Interest in news has fallen sharply across markets, from 63% in 2017 to 51% in 2022.
• Meanwhile, the proportion of news consumers who say they avoid news, often or sometimes, has increased sharply across countries. This type of selective avoidance has doubled in both Brazil (54%) and the UK (46%) over the last five years, with many respondents saying news has a negative effect on their mood. A significant proportion of younger and less educated people say they avoid news because it can be hard to follow or understand – suggesting that the news media could do much more to simplify language and better explain or contextualise complex stories.
• In the five countries we surveyed after the war in Ukraine had begun, we find that television news is relied on most heavily – with countries closest to the fighting, such as Germany and Poland, seeing the biggest increases in consumption. Selective news avoidance has, if anything, increased further – likely due to the difficult and depressing nature of the coverage.
• Global concerns about false and misleading information remain stable this year, ranging from 72% in Kenya and Nigeria to just 32% in Germany and 31% in Austria. People say they have seen more false information about Coronavirus than about politics in most countries, but the situation is reversed in Turkey, Kenya, and the Philippines, amongst others." (Summary, page 10)
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"The Global Handbook of Media Accountability brings together leading scholars to 'de-Westernize' the academic debate on media accountability and discuss different models of media self-regulation and newsroom transparency around the globe. With examination of the status quo of media accountability in
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forty-four countries worldwide, it offers a theoretically informed, comparative analysis of accountability regimes of different varieties. As such, it constitutes the first interdisciplinary academic framework comparing structures of media accountability across all continents and represents an invaluable basis for further research and policy-making. It will therefore appeal to scholars and students of media studies and journalism, mass communication, sociology and political science, as well as policy-makers and practitioners." (Publisher description)
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"Brazilians have adopted WhatsApp as a national media and communication infrastructure over the past several years, although it is controlled by its private US-based owner, Facebook. This article explores the diverse, contentious and influential roles the app played in the country during disruptions
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to its use from 2015 to 2018. Using content analysis, we critically engage with user-generated memes and news media coverage responding to these disruptions. In these cases, Brazilians self-reflexively questioned the app’s role in their everyday lives and country, reassessing what it means to rely on a national infrastructure owned by an unaccountable global media conglomerate." (Abstract)
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"Media representations of ageing play a role in stereotype formation and even reinforce them. Encountering these stereotypes can negatively impact the self-esteem, health status, physical wellbeing and cognitive performance of older people. This international collection examines different dimensions
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of ageing and ageism in a range of media. Chapters include explorations of the UK media during the COVID-19 pandemic; age, gender and mental health in Ghana; advertising in Brazil; magazines in Canada; Taiwanese newspapers; comics, graphic novels and more." (Publisher description)
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"An international survey reveals that Internet users' trust on the Internet has dropped significantly since 2019. That is among the key findings of a 20-country Ipsos survey released by The New Institute in Hamburg, Germany. Only six in ten (63%) Internet users on average across the 20 countries sai
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d they trust the Internet. That is down 11 points since a similar survey was conducted in 2019. The singular exception is Japan, which showed a 7 percentage-point increase in trust. But Japan is the rare exception, as the findings reveal that Internet trust shrunk by double-digits in India (-10 points), Kenya (-11), Sweden (-10), Brazil (-18), Canada (-14), the United States (-12), and Poland (-26)." (Publisher description)
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"A new generation of Afro-Brazilian media producers have emerged to challenge a mainstream that frequently excludes them. Reighan Gillam delves into the dynamic alternative media landscape developed by Afro-Brazilians in the twenty-first century. With works that confront racism and focus on Black ch
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aracters, these artists and the visual media they create identify, challenge, or break with entrenched racist practices, ideologies, and structures. Gillam looks at a cross-section of media to show the ways Afro-Brazilians assert control over various means of representation in order to present a complex Black humanity. These images--so at odds with the mainstream--contribute to an anti-racist visual politics fighting to change how Brazilian media depicts Black people while highlighting the importance of media in the movement for Black inclusion." (Publisher description)
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"El volumen se divide en dos grandes ejes temáticos, en el apartado “Comunicación” aborda procesos de Ecuador, Colombia y Brasil. En el caso ecuatoriano se analiza la cobertura informativa de las protestas que se realizaron en 2019 en Quito y la presencia de indígenas en las manifestaciones p
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ara reflexionar respecto al rol de los medios y evidenciar tendencias en la cobertura informativa de alinearse con un discurso oficial que suele presentar las manifestaciones sociales con un enfoque negativo; en Colombia se analizan los aportes de radios comunitarias en la transmisión de voces de paz y resistencia en el Departamento del Huila, el discurso de la prensa respecto a los actores del conflicto en los medios de comunicación y la manera en que representan a la guerrilla y grupos paramilitares y se analiza la memoria colectiva construida a través de producciones televisivas sobre el conflicto armado; desde Brasil nos encontramos un análisis de las jerarquías del espacio social construido por la narrativa periodística en el desencuentro con la alteridad y la representación de la migración construida predominantemente por el narrador sobre la condición laboral en su precariedad y supuesta amenaza. Para el apartado “Memoria y Paz” se integran trabajos sobre experiencias en cinco países: Ecuador, México, Nicaragua, Brasil y Estados Unidos. De Ecuador se revisa la percepción de violencias y cultura de paz en los jóvenes y las identidades de los jóvenes migrantes a través de sus historias de vida; de México se aborda la educación para la paz mediante la experiencia de talleres de arte con adolescentes, la violencia en la frontera Norte y procesos locales de construcción de paz en Ciudad Juárez y la justicia restaurativa en sus alcances y limitaciones con el cuestionamiento sobre sus posibilidades de aportar a procesos de paz; de Nicaragua se retoman experiencias de mujeres en la construcción de paz y memoria ante el conflicto armado; y desde Brasil se reflexiona sobre la violencia estructural con relación a la condición laboral impuesta por un un modelo económico y social excluyente, que suma desigualdades, radicaliza las tensiones sociales y que lleva a las personas a la ansiedad, estrés y depresión. De este modo,la construcción de paz a lo largo de América Latina, los procesos de memoria y la forma de comunicar las experiencias de lucha y resistencias locales son los ejes que articulan la selección de textos." (Presentación, página 12-13)
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"Monitoring data indicate that in 2021 there were a total of 119 attacks against women journalists and/or gender attacks involving media professionals. Hence, it means that, on average, an attack occurred every three days. A striking aspect is the importance of gender: among the 119 cases, 38% were
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classified as gender attacks. These records mainly included attacks on the morals and reputation of female journalists (32 cases) and homophobic (8) and transphobic (1) attacks. There were also two cases of physical violence against women journalists and two online attacks motivated by gender-related news coverage. The appeal to gender and sexuality is not incidental: in societies with conservative values, this type of attack is a way of undermining the credibility of professional journalism and diverting attention from the news content. Instead of discussing the reported facts, the journalist’s legitimacy and authority to investigate and disseminate stories are discussed. In fact, it is no coincidence that the terms most used in insults to professionals refer to gender aspects – slut, whore, gossipy – and supposed ideological biases of journalists – militant, leftist, and communist, among others." (Executive summary)
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"Delving into the meanings, implications, contexts and effects of extreme speech and gated communities in the media landscape, the chapters analyse misleading metaphors and rhetoric via focused case studies to understand how we can overcome the risks and threats stemming from the past decade's defin
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ing communicative phenomena. The book brings together an international team of experts, enabling a broad, multidisciplinary approach that examines hate speech, dislike, polarization and enclave deliberation as cross axes that influence offline and digital conversations." (Publisher description)
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"The pandemic brought to crisis point prior trends facing independent news media, whether online or offline or hybrid. While media became more important than ever for citizens as a source of reliable information in an insecure and continuously changing world, newsrooms struggled to pay their bills.
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Already under financial pressure, many independent media have had to cut staff and even close shop. Transforming this moment of crisis into a window of opportunity, however, many in the media community, officialdom, academia, civil society and the private sector are taking action. They have come up with innovative ways to strengthen viability through initiatives that produce revenue and contribute to the central mission of independent journalism. Their efforts are a source of inspiration for media enterprises all around the world. To help multiply the achievements, this UNESCO publication profiles 11 case studies that can help ensure media viability without compromising editorial independence and journalistic integrity." (Back cover)
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"This briefing document provides an overview of key developments in digital authoritarianism in 11 countries and explains the theoretical framework and methodology behind The Unfreedom Monitor project. The document also provides a basis for expanding this research to other countries to deepen our un
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derstanding of digital authoritarianism globally, as well as its crucial implications for the future. The preliminary sample of 11 countries was chosen to reflect a range of factors: system of government, approach to human rights (including rankings in indexes), and corporate relations. The countries are: Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, Morocco, Myanmar, Russia, Sudan, Tanzania, Turkey, and Zimbabwe." (Publisher description)
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"In this report, we qualitatively examine how audiences who lack trust in most news organisations in their countries navigate the digital information environment, especially how they make sense of the news they encounter while using social media, messaging applications, or search engines. Drawing on
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a sample of 100 individuals in four countries – Brazil, India, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US) – we centre on how they use Facebook, WhatsApp, and Google, based on a unique interviewing approach anchored in their concrete everyday experiences. Participants were asked to describe and respond to what they actually saw on their screens as they navigated these platforms in real time while speaking to members of our research team. This research is focused on individuals with minimal trust in most news sources and below-average interest in politics – a population often neglected in audience research since these individuals tend to be least likely to consume news. However, for that same reason, understanding the way they encounter and engage with information online is of particular importance. Indeed, in line with prior survey-based research (Toff et al. 2021c), we found these individuals tended to be indifferent towards, or even opposed to, the idea of receiving news through platforms, which they said they primarily used for other purposes. What we found is that when they did encounter news on platforms and sought to assess how credible the information might be, they often relied on cues for making quick, in-the-moment judgements, which were particularly important since many of these users rarely clicked through to the original sources of news. The mental shortcuts people discussed, summarised in Figure 1, involved (1) pre-existing ideas they held about news in general or specific news brands (where the information was coming from), but also several other factors: (2) social cues from family and friends (who shared or engaged with the news), (3) the tone and wording of headlines (whether or not it was perceived as clickbait), (4) the use of visuals (which they often saw as important evidence for what could or could not be trusted), and (5) the presence of advertising (whether or not information appeared to be sponsored). Additional (6) platform-specific cues also played a role in shaping judgements about what to trust. These involved design decisions around how information appears on platforms (e.g. what labels appear, what is given most prominence), which in turn affect many of these other cues." (Introduction and key findings, page 3)
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"The proliferation of conspiracy theories surrounding George Soros and the ‘Globalist invasion’ had been concentrated primarily in Eastern Europe, Russia and the United States. However, since Jair Bolsonaro’s presidential victory in Brazil, Soros has become a target of the far-right in the cou
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ntry. On Soros’ 90th Birthday in August 2020, the right-wing group ‘Movement for Conservative Brazil’ (Movimento Brasil Conservador – MBC) launched a campaign called ‘International Day Against George Soros’, aiming to attack the billionaire’s reputation. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how this campaign worked across online platforms as a strategy to popularize the Globalism conspiracy theory in the biggest Latin American country. We aim (1) to map the dynamics of disinformation dissemination across chat apps using hyperlink analysis; and (2) to interpret conspiratorial narratives about George Soros shared on chat apps during the month of his 90th birthday. We collected messages mentioning the anti-Soros campaign in WhatsApp and Telegram public groups and channels to extract hyperlinks and domains. These websites were manually categorized in an effort to analyze which conspiracy theories about George Soros are being disseminated on chat apps in Brazil. Our results suggest an increasing cross-platform dissemination of narratives attacking Soros. This case study illustrates how the rise of a transnationally networked political right has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital communication infrastructure through which conspiracy theories circulate." (Abstract)
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"Under the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil, Latin America's largest democracy, has seen unprecedented increases in threats to citizens’ fundamental rights. Digital rights have not been an exception. Technoauthoritarianism in Brazil must be viewed as a multifaceted development and one that is
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not undertaken by the federal administration alone. Across the country, states are making unlawful use of civilian data for surveillance purposes and adopting facial recognition technologies, a worrying event in a country that has a history of discriminatory policing where over half of the population is Black. From inside the presidential palace and around Brazil, Bolsonaro and right-wing allies are using social media tools to advance personal interests by sponsoring disinformation campaigns and enabling targeted attacks against opponents and journalists. When targeted by social media moderation, the president tried to overturn the way platforms operate in Brazil with a provisional measure — a largely opaque, authoritarian and unilateral tool. As if the scenario weren't concerning enough for digital rights, journalists around the country are facing a tidal wave of attacks, harassment and smear campaigns, many of which are perpetrated by elected authorities. These attacks have a clear gendered aspect to them, as women journalists are not only targeted more frequently, but more violently." (https://advox.globalvoices.org)
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"¿Cuáles son las principales herramientas comunicativas de los movimientos feministas en Iberoamérica? ¿Qué papel juega la comunicación en la cuarta ola? ¿Cómo se articulan las contranarrativas a los discursos del odio digitales contra activistas y comunicadoras? Las investigaciones en comun
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icación y género de este libro permiten observar cómo se están produciendo avances a ambos lados del Atlántico, que dialogan sobre el espacio digital como un lugar de disputa discursiva y el rol fundamental de los movimientos feministas y las profesionales de la comunicación en la actualidad." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Using expert interviews and focus groups, this book investigates the theoretical and practical intersection of misinformation and social media hate in contemporary societies. Social Media and Hate argues that these phenomena, and the extreme violence and discrimination they initiate against targete
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d groups, are connected to the socio-political contexts, values and behaviours of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, ShareChat, Instagram and WhatsApp. The argument moves from a theoretical discussion of the practices and consequences of sectarian hatred, through a methodological evaluation of quantitative and qualitative studies on this topic, to four qualitative case studies of social media hate, and its effects on groups, individuals and wider politics in India, Brazil, Myanmar and the UK. The technical, ideological and networked similarities and connections between social media hate against people of African and Asian descent, indigenous communities, Muslims, Dalits, dissenters, feminists, LGBTQIA+ communities, Rohingya and immigrants across the four contexts is highlighted, stressing the need for an equally systematic political response." (Publisher description)
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"[...] new legislation has been introduced that could have a detrimental effect on freedom of expression and access to information. This includes a “fake news” bill that was approved by the Senate in June 2020 and allows for the criminalization of certain online content, creates identification r
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equirements for online platforms account holders, and obliges private-messaging apps to retain communications. In May 2021, a new bill replacing the National Security Act was introduced, which contains provisions criminalizing “mass misleading communication”, and lacks protection measures for investigative journalists. Brazil was therefore added as a target country under the MDP in October 2021 with the aim of enhancing the safety of journalists, building on past experiences in supporting media in the region. Actions notably build on support to ABRAJI from the Global Media Defence Fund, through which ABRAJI is developing a local mechanism to monitor and report on gender-based violence against women journalists. These first few months under the MDP served as an inception phase, during which planning advanced for activities in 2022 and 2023. Future actions will be aligned with the Hague Commitment to Increase the Safety of Journalists, to which Brazil is a signatory, and will come to reinforce the implementation of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity." (Page 2)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"Drawing on an original dataset of survey responses collected in the summer of 2022 across four countries - Brazil, India, the UK, and the US - they examine the relationship between trust in news and how people think about news on digital platforms, especially Facebook, Google, WhatsApp, and YouTube
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, some of the most widely used platforms around the world. What they find is somewhat nuanced; how people think about information on platforms varies considerably. It depends on the platform, it depends on the country, it depends on the audiences within those countries, and it depends on the kinds of news those audiences are encountering in these varying spaces." (Executive Summary and Key Findings, page 3)
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"Este informe elaborado por el Instituto de Desarrollo Digital de América Latina y el Caribe (IDD LAC) describe y analiza diversos modelos e iniciativas (tanto estatales como de la sociedad civil) sobre formas de institucionalidad para la supervisión de obligaciones de transparencia y rendición d
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e cuentas de las grandes plataformas digitales, dado su creciente rol en el flujo de información y comunicación en Internet. Como corolario, se presentan una serie de conclusiones y recomendaciones que puedan ser insumos útiles para enriquecer la búsqueda de soluciones democráticas y adecuadas al entorno digital." (Observacom)
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