"Can residents of Ukraine discern between pro-Kremlin disinformation and true statements? Moreover, which pro-Kremlin disinformation claims are more likely to be believed, and by which audiences? We present the results from two surveys carried out in 2019—one online and the other face-to-face—th
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at address these questions in Ukraine, where the Russian government and its supporters have heavily targeted disinformation campaigns. We find that, on average, respondents can distinguish between true stories and disinformation. However, many Ukrainians remain uncertain about a variety of disinformation claims’ truthfulness. We show that the topic of the disinformation claim matters. Disinformation about the economy is more likely to be believed than disinformation about politics, historical experience, or the military. Additionally, Ukrainians with partisan and ethnolinguistic ties to Russia are more likely to believe pro-Kremlin disinformation across topics. Our findings underscore the importance of evaluating multiple types of disinformation claims present in a country and examining these claims’ target audiences." (Abstract)
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"In light of the controversial relationship and blurred lines between information and entertainment media, the current study’s goal aimed at qualitatively exploring media entertainment’s role in emerging adults’ political identity formation and engagement. By analyzing 55 semistructured interv
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iews from Germany, Croatia, Turkey, South Korea, and the Philippines, we examined how emerging adults in 5 countries—differing in tightness-looseness, political culture, and media freedom—explore alternative political identities (identity exploration) and commit to a set of political values (identity commitment). Across countries, notable similarities supported the notion of traditional and new forms of entertainment as universal drivers of political identity formation and engagement (e.g., informational source, broadening one’s horizon). However, idiosyncrasies of countries reflected unique cultural values, beliefs, and norms, and the benefits of media entertainment pathways to political identity development appeared to depend on political freedom and democracy." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes how patronage crowdfunding is becoming a central part of the model for building a radio station. Implementing this model requires mobilizing listeners to engage in the direct, long-term financial support of a station. The analysis conducted in this article is based on a case s
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tudy of Radio 357—an Internet radio station in Poland funded through digital patronage since 2020. The success of this station suggests that the development of crowdfunding has created a space for new types of participatory engagement by audiences. Not only are we experiencing a reduction in the distance between presenters and listeners alongside increased connectivity between members of the audience but we are also seeing the intervention of patrons in shaping the station in terms of how, what, and when it broadcasts." (Abstract)
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"In this article, we revisit some of the debates about changing journalistic labour that have first emerged when digital technologies became widely available in newsrooms. The terms multiskilling, deskilling, up-skilling and re-skilling have been applied in a variety of contexts and in a range of st
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udies, but explorations of journalistic labour have tended to focus on core (news) workers. The de-skilling debate that originated in Braverman’s work continues to be relevant but we need a more nuanced approach to journalistic labour. Our case study addresses skills and changing work conditions in a regional Czech public service television newsroom and takes into account the experience of core as well as peripheral news workers. We conclude that camera reporters—those at the periphery of journalistic work—have faced the most detrimental loss of professional autonomy. We argue that a holistic approach to the core and the periphery of a newsroom helps us overcome some of the shortcomings of the conceptual variety of understandings of the journalistic field and the journalistic profession as well as the divergent definitions of skills involved in journalistic labour. Our case study is also important because it centres on underresearched public service media." (Abstract)
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"As a communicative space, the Russian public sphere is dramatically prosecuted, and it suffers from pathologic efforts to have it systematically shut down. This article looks back into the history of the new restrictive media laws and their framing in the state media. The analysis is disclosing how
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, or through which instruments and conditions, the state enabled, justified, and legitimized the act of securitization. It seeks to answer if there is a space left for dissident voices to be heard and for digital activism and resistance to exist or if the Russian media system has become a place solely defined by constant manipulation, censorship, and restrictions." (Abstract)
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"Die CONTOC-Studie hat in ökumenischer und internationaler Ausrichtung die digitale kirchliche Praxis unter den Bedingungen der Corona-Pandemie im Frühsommer 2020 erforscht. Dieser Band dokumentiert die Rahmenbedingungen und Umfrageergebnisse in den beteiligten Ländern. Daran schließen sich Pers
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pektiven zu den zukünftigen Herausforderungen für die digitale Angebotspraxis und das Selbstverständnis der kirchlichen Akteur*innen an." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The internet is a double-edged sword: civilians can mobilise it to assemble and voice dissent, but illiberal regimes can also weaponise it to consolidate power and suppress any form of opposition. Internet shutdowns – intentional disruptions of internet services – represent one method used to l
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imit citizens’freedom of expression, information, peaceful assembly and other associated rights in the name of national security. Julia Ryng, Guillemette Guicherd, Judy Al Saman, Priyanka Choudhury and Angharad Kellett examine the cases of Myanmar and Belarus: two distinct political regimes that nonetheless converge on similar strategies of repression. Through this comparative analysis, the authors highlight how future repression is likely to work and how compelling policy responses can be formulated." (Abstract)
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"Our study describes how hostility reaches journalists and their reactions to the experiences. Semi-structured interviews with 18 Estonian journalists were conducted in 2021 from June to December. We divided journalists’ experiences into personal, professional, and organizational domains. One key
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observation is that journalists cannot avoid work-related hostility, even when off-duty. In addition, as one journalist receives hostility in a myriad of ways, there is a necessity for a multilevel approach when teaching about coping with or preventing unnecessary hostility from reaching journalists. Our mapping can be used when preparing students for occupational hazards or developing journalism curricula." (Abstract)
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"This paper draws evidence from a national survey conducted in the Republic of Cyprus. Respondents provided evidence about their own self-promotion on social media while assessing other users’ personal salience online. Furthermore, they provided evidence about their own reactions toward other peop
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le’s personal salience. The study shows that respondents display affective, perceptional, as well as behavioral reactions toward other people’s online visibility. Demographic characteristics along with certain types of control variables are associated with individuals’ personal salience. Although transferring personal salience constitutes a segmented social media influence, this survey shows that it is recognized as a widespread objective and priority by ordinary individuals." (Abstract)
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"The two essays in this report highlight ways in which two global authoritarian powers, Russia and China, provide surge capacity to kleptocratic networks in Africa. In his essay J.R. Mailey dissects the Wagner Group’s illicit activities in key parts of Africa. The Wagner Group’s activities are c
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omplex, but Mailey zeroes in on the fact that the military support offered to African kleptocrats has little to do with providing security and stability for the African people. Rather it is focused on extracting resources, advancing geopolitical goals, and serving as a brutal cog in the authoritarian mutual support machinery. Even if the ultimate fate of the Wagner Group remains unclear, these trends are unlikely to abate. The opaque economic relationships that the Wagner Group has developed on the continent no doubt are too lucrative for the Kremlin to surrender [...] Andrea Ngombet Malewa’s essay highlights the ways in which Beijing facilitates Congo-Brazzaville’s deeply kleptocratic regime. In addition to long-standing Chinese involvement in the timber and extractive industries, Ngombet’s analysis spotlights the establishment of a Sino-Congolese Bank for Africa that could allow kleptocrats to bypass the transparency requirements of Western-linked banks, thereby affording opportunities to launder money with impunity. This development has significant implications for accountability norms worldwide." (Executive summary)
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"Ein Überblick über die russische Medienlandschaft und wie sie sich seit dem Beginn des russischenAngriffskriegs auf die gesamte Ukraine verändert hat – in zehn Fragen und Antworten." (Einführung)
"This article examines the multilingual audiences of Russian outlet RT on Facebook. RT is a state media outlet known for spreading strategic Kremlin narratives and disinformation in support of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy objectives to large and multilingual global audiences. RT serves as
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a central pillar of the Russian information influence apparatus, and an instrument of both ‘soft’ and ‘sharp power’, the latter describing the use of information manipulation to interfere with foreign public spheres. While many studies have concentrated on the English-language content of RT to understand its impact on Western democracies, in this article, we examine the sharing of RT content across all six RT languages, and we investigate what audiences from the six language communities share RT content on Facebook. We find ideologically diverging patterns across these communities, with particular resonance for RT content targeting the political faultlines in different regions and countries and conclude that RT’s role as a tool for sharp power is now dominant." (Abstract)
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"The amount of Electrical and Electronic Equipment (EEE) Placed on Market (POM) in the Western Balkans region increased from 0.16 Mt (9 kg/inhabitant) in 2010 to 0.21 Mt (13 kg/inhabitant) in 2021. Likewise, the regional e-waste generated nearly doubled from 0.09 Mt (5.3 kg/inhabitant) in 2010 to 0.
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15 Mt (9.0 kg/inhabitant) in 2021. Large Equipment (Category IVa(1)) and Small Equipment (Category V) are the largest categories of both EEE POM and e-waste generated, at 65% (Category IVa 40%, Category V 25%) and 59% (Category IVa 29%, Category V 30%), respectively. The e-waste generation growth rates in all countries of the region are generally positive, with the exception of Lamps, Small IT, and Screens and Monitors. The Western Balkan countries collected and managed 38.4 kt (2.4 kg/inhabitant) of e-waste in an environmentally sound manner in 2021, which yields a total collection rate of 27%. Environmentally sound e-waste management may be defined as taking all possible steps to ensure that end-of-life products and waste are managed in a manner that will protect human health and the environment, and it involves the separate collection, dismantling, and pollution of hazardous substances and recycling of valuable materials, while other waste-related activities include waste dumping, waste-picking, disposal, etc. and may include the informal sector(2,3). All Western Balkan countries have specific legislation on this currently in force, supporting the environmentally sound management of e-waste. In practice, the environmental sound management of e-waste in the Western Balkans occurs mainly in Serbia, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina." (Executive summary, pages 14-15)
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