"This book has been written as a tool for people involved or interested in communication and natural resource management who seek a better understanding of how different theories and strategic change principles relate to actual practise. It is not, however, a book of theory nor is it an argument for
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one approach over another. Instead, it relates a variety of theories and change principles in simplified, almost schematic form, to a series of real initiatives in the field through interactive «experiences». It asks that the reader become a participant in a process that requires reading and analysing each initiative using different theoretical lenses. Each «experience» is organised around a theme, a learning objective, a description of an actual natural resource management and communication initiative, and one or two theoretical lenses through which to analyse the initiative. As you work through each «experience», you will be asked questions about the theory and change principles and how they relate to the initiative. The idea is not to «discover» the right approach but rather to create an interactive space that enables you to reflect on what might work in your own context and also on how different contexts may require different approaches, principles and theoretical frameworks." (Introduction)
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"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
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llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
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"La 'guerre préventive' contre l'Irak, dans le sillage des attentats du 11 septembre 2001, est sans conteste l'un des faits les plus médiatisés de l'histoire de l'humanité. Jamais les préparatifs d'une guerre n'ont été aussi abondamment décrits et jamais son déroulement n'a été ainsi tran
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smis en direct par le truchement de cohortes de journalistes. Partout, les médias se sont ingéniés à relater dans ses moindres rebondissements le faux suspense diplomatique d'avant le 20 mars 2003, à spéculer longuement sur la probabilité et la date de déclenchement de l'intervention, à mobiliser une armada d'experts capables de disserter avec aplomb sur les armes de destruction massives irakiennes et les bunkers de Saddam tout en n'en sachant rien ou presque [...] C'est pourquoi cette guerre offre un matériau inédit pour une analyse critique du comportement des médias dominants. Les contestations de rue que la perspective puis le déclenchement de la guerre ont provoquées, les doutes et le déficit de légitimité entourant l'aventure états-unienne, le malaise des régimes arabes craignant une extension de l'ingérence des Etats-Unis dans leurs propres territoires, les critiques émanant de certains gouvernements européens ont placé le champ médiatique face à un conflit qui résiste fortement à la simplification. A travers six contributions, où les auteurs décrivent en fait six guerres différentes vues de six postes d'observation distincts (les Etats-Unis, la France, Israël, la Turquie, l'Irak lui-même et la chaîne panarabe Al Jazira), le livre explore les modes de restitution des mots et des images de la guerre. Il tente de resituer les médias dans le cadre des enjeux de pouvoir nationaux. Il explicite leur rôle dans la mobilisation du consentement ou de l'opposition à la guerre." (https://www.actes-sud.fr)
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"This study of Human Rights in Sri Lanka. Church Endeavours for Peace and Human Dignity focuses on two human rights issues, civil war and sex tourism, both of which are characteristic features of life in Sri Lanka and matters of pressing concern to the country. They are also the topics that German r
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eaders are likely to be most familiar with. This study examines the attitude of the Church to the human rights violations that occur as a result of civil war and child prostitution. It makes suggestions as to what the Church in Sri Lanka as well as the international community of states and the government of the Federal Republic of Germany could do to improve human rights in Sri Lanka." (Summary)
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"Dans quelle mesure la télévision a-t-elle contribué, et contribue-t-elle encore, à forger la mémoire nationale et l'identité nationale dans chaque pays ? Y a-t-il eu une politique volontariste en ce domaine ? Quels sont les effets du statut des chaînes de télévision, privées ou publiques
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? Les chaînes de télévision ont-elles contribué à promouvoir d'autres formes d'identités que l'identité nationale et lesquelles ? Cet ouvrage tente de répondre à ces questions." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"India produces more films than any other country in the world, and these works are avidly consumed by non-Western cultures in Africa, Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and by the Indian communities in Australia, Britain, the Caribbean Islands, and North America. Jyotika Virdi focuses on how this dom
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inant medium configures the "nation" in post-Independence Hindi cinema. She scrutinizes approximately thirty films that have appeared since 1950 and demonstrates how concepts of the nation form the center of this cinema's moral universe. As a kind of storytelling, Indian cinema provides a fascinating account of social history and cultural politics, with the family deployed as a symbol of the nation. Virdi demonstrates how the portrayal of the nation as a mythical community in Hindi films collapses under the weight of its own contradictions--irreconcilable differences that encompass gender, sexuality, family, class, and religious communities. Through these film narratives, the author traces transactions among the various constituencies that struggle, accommodate, coexist uneasily, or reconstitute each other over time, and, in the process, reveal the topography of postcolonial culture." (Publisher description)
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