"Journalists in many countries work in contexts of continuous risk, but few empirical studies identify how these conditions influence practice or measure the relative influence of different kinds of risk. This study asks a national sample of Mexican journalists to report use of several measures to a
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meliorate risk as violence and anti-press threat intensified over the last decade. It then identifies conditions that increased the likelihood of engaging in these practices. Findings reveal diverse tactics to remain safe and how those seeking to disseminate news through less-risky channels are less common than individual or outlet-based censorship. The study shows that physical insecurity overlaps with economic pressures to shut down important public-interest functions and that support for change agent roles, youth, ethnic minority status and working in smaller cities are important predictors of precautionary practices. The chapter ends with policy recommendations for international organizations, the Mexican government and press rights activists." (Abstract)
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"Latin American women filmmakers have achieved unprecedented international prominence in recent years. Notably political in their approach, figures such as Lucrecia Martel, Claudia Llosa and Bertha Navarro have created innovative and often challenging films, enjoying global acclaim from critics and
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festival audiences alike. They undeniably mark a 'moment' for Latin American cinema.Bringing together distinguished scholars in the field - and prefaced by B. Ruby Rich - this is a much-needed account and analysis of the rise of female-led film in Latin America. Chapters detail the collaboration that characterises Latin American women's filmmaking - in many ways distinct from the largely 'Third Cinema' auteurism from the region - as well as the transnational production contexts, unique aesthetics and socio-political landscape of the key industry figures. Through close attention to the particular features of national film cultures, from women's documentary filmmaking in Chile to comedic critique in Brazil, and from US Latina screen culture to the burgeoning popularity of Peruvian film, this timely study demonstrates the remarkable possibilities for film in the region. This book will allow scholars and students of Latin American cinema and culture, as well as industry professionals, a deeper understanding of the emergence and impact of the filmmakers and their work, which has particular relevance for contemporary debates on feminism." (Publisher description)
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"Transborder Media Spaces offers a new perspective on how media forms like photography, video, radio, television, and the Internet have been appropriated by Mexican indigenous people in the light of transnational migration and ethnopolitical movements. In producing and consuming self-determined medi
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a genres, actors in Tamazulapam Mixe and its diaspora community in Los Angeles open up media spaces and seek to forge more equal relations both within Mexico and beyond its borders. It is within these spaces that Ayuujk people carve out their own, at times conflicting, visions of development, modernity, gender, and what it means to be indigenous in the twenty-first century." (Publisher description)
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"Freedom of expression is a cornerstone of democratic society and essential for the formation of an informed public opinion. A society that is not well informed is never totally free. This chapter examines the interplay of external and internal risks on press freedom in five Mexican states. The conc
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lusions are based on a larger research project conducted with the civic association, Collective of Analysis of Security with Democracy (CASEDE) and the non-governmental organisation Freedom House, between 2014 and 2015. Sinaloa has been the home to Mexico's most important drug-trafficking groups for more than seventy years. Risks in Mexico City differ from those in the rest of the country and the capital has escaped the worst of the drug violence. Chiapas is one of the few states in the country with a Specialised Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of Expression, but the office's capacity for action is minimal." (Abstract)
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"Weltweit ist das Radio das Medium, das die meisten Menschen erreicht. In Europa verliert der Hörfunk zwar an Zuhörerschaft, aber gerade in Ländern des Südens sind Radiostationen ein sehr wichtiges Mittel der Kommunikation. Eine südafrikanische Universität entwickelte jüngst ein Spracherkennu
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ngsprogramm für Acholi und zwei weitere Lokalsprachen in Uganda. Mit deren Hilfe können nun Menschen selbst von entlegenen Dörfern aus über den Äther bei öffentlich geführten Debatten mitreden. Die Empfangsgeräte sind zugleich Sender, die das Radio ganz im Sinne Brechts als partizipatives Medium auch für jene öffnet, die keine schriftlichen Eingaben machen und keine Protestschreiben verschicken können. Ein Community Radio ist freilich nicht schon per se emanzipatorisch, und nicht jeder Freie Sender hat antirassistische und antisexistische Sprachregelungen in den Statuten stehen. Wann also ist die Aneignung von Kommunikation ein emanzipatorischer Akt? In unserem Dossier fragen wir außerdem: Welche Relevanz hat das Radiomachen heute für die Wahrnehmung des Rechtes auf freie Kommunikation? Sind Freie Radios und Piratensender ein Auslaufmodell, oder sind sie eine Avantgarde?" (Editorial)
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"José Luis Benítez provides an overview of the safety situation in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador." (Abstract)
"Las pandillas no sólo son protagonistas del miedo en los territorios que controlan, sino también en los medios. La alta cantidad de portadas que ganan, así como la avalancha de notas que tratan sobre ellos o les mencionan, así lo demuestran. Al contrastar los datos arrojados por la muestra del
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año 2015 con los suministrados por investigaciones de carácter regional de años anteriores, se evidencia que los periódicos nacionales superan con creces los promedios latinoamericanos de cobertura sobre violencia e inseguridad. Además de reflejar una curva ascendente en el tiempo, ganando las pandillas cada vez más terreno en la cobertura periodística nacional. Como conclusión para el debate académico se propone que los medios escritos salvadoreños han aportado significativamente a la construcción de narrativas sobre las maras que no permiten profundizar en la complejidad del problema, contribuyendo al desplazamiento de una especie de bola de nieve que ha terminado fortaleciendo la preeminencia de las pandillas en el imaginario público, así como favoreciendo las políticas y los discursos oficiales de corte manodurista." (Página 1)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, the vast majority of journalists in Mexico found it extremely or very important to report things as they are, followed in second place by the role of promoting tolerance and cultural diversity, and the role of advocating for social change in third pla
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ce. The fourth role to which Mexican journalist gave top importance in a most (5) to least (1) scale was to let people express their views, followed by the role of monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders in fifth place. The top roles show a rich mixture of adherence: from the classic Western roles of dissemination (reporting things as they are), to the roles more associated with mobilization and promotion of positive social outcomes (promoting tolerance or advocating for social change), followed by democratic roles such as serving as forum (let people express their views) and the watchdog function of the press (monitoring political leaders). There appears to be greater consensus around the ten most-popular roles, as shown by the relatively lower standard deviations, than in the bottom ten roles. This indicates the journalists who support those roles are unusual and the values they represent are a point of contention within the corps of journalists. For example, the least prioritized role was to convey a positive image of political leaders which however had a fairly high standard deviation, followed by the role of being an adversary to the government, which ranked in penultimate place in order of priority and had the second highest standard deviation of them all. This suggests some journalists consider both roles very important while others do not at all. The support of government policy was also the third least prioritized role, followed by that of providing entertainment and relaxation in fourth place and by the role of being a detached observer of events in fifth place of low priority, but which had the highest standard deviation of them all, suggesting very little agreement on how distant should journalists be from the stories they report on." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"This article shows how results were merged from a study conducted in four countries-Australia, the Philippines, South Africa and Mexico-in which differently versioned television news stories about conflict were played to audiences, and their responses gathered through a mix of methods, to yield bot
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h quantitative and qualitative results. These versions were coded according to the Peace Journalism model, a set of distinctions in the representation of conflict, originally conceived by Johan Galtung. A Peace Journalism bulletin and a War Journalism bulletin were produced in each country. Viewer responses-both emotional and cognitive-showed significant differences, depending on which version they watched. This article compares selected stories in each country, which had the strongest measured effects in the original study, and identifies common thematic elements. The most significant of these is that, in the Peace Journalism version of each of the selected stories bar one, viewers were provided with the personal narrative of a carefully chosen individual protagonist, which prompted both their empathy and, through that, their cognitive engagement with counter-hegemonic arguments in favour of non-violent conflict responses." (Abstract)
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"This book has presented a critical, historically grounded analysis of the role of the war correspondent. It has highlighted the risks, the problems and the failures that have defined the role but it has also given credit where that is due and acknowledged the inspirational example of correspondents
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such as William Howard Russell, Morgan Philips Price, Martha Gellhorn, Wilfred Burchett, John Pilger and Robert Fisk. Their work seems to bear testament to the ideal beloved of all journalists and writers, of ‘telling truth to power’. But as Arundhati Roy has argued, ‘Power owns the truth [and] knows the truth just as well if not better than the powerless know the truth’ (2004, page 68). In view of everything that has gone before in this book, I think she is right. Telling truth to power does not change or lessen the risks and dangers that accompany the journalist in the war zone. And as we have seen, the risks are not equal; the level of special training, protection and institutional support journalists receive depends on the size and wealth of their media employer." (Conclusion, page 214)
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"International trade in creative industries showed sustained growth in the last decade. The global market for traded creative goods and services totaled a record $547billion in 2012, as compared to $302 billion in 2003. Exports from developing countries, led by Asian countries, were growing faster t
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han exports from developed countries. Among developed country regions, Europe is the largest exporter of creative goods. In 2012, the top 5 creative goods exporters included Germany, France, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Belgium. Exports of creative goods from developed economies grew during the period 2003 to 2012, with export earnings rising from $134 billion to $197 billion. Among developing countries, China is the largest exporter of creative goods. In 2012, the top 5 exporters were China, Hong Kong, China, India, Turkey and South Korea. Exports of creative goods from developing economies grew during the period 2003 to 2012, with export earnings rising from $87 billion to $272 billion. Developing countries are playing an increasingly important role in international trade in creative industries." (Executive summary)
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"En los últimos años, la mayoría de los gobiernos latinoamericanos han realizado esfuerzos destinados a mejorar la inclusión digital en sus países, desarrollando diversas políticas aplicadas en el ámbito educativo. Estas políticas han sido y continúan siendo profusamente evaluadas a través
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de estudios e investigaciones, en algunos casos por encargos de los propios Estados y en otros casos por organismos internacionales, con distintos enfoques, entre los cuales predomina claramente la perspectiva de medir el impacto que dichas políticas tienen sobre la calidad educativa. En este contexto, resulta pertinente y necesaria una reflexión crítica acerca de las formas en que se evalúan estas políticas, puesto que las evaluaciones no son neutrales y tienen, lógicamente, consecuencias en la continuidad, reformulación o abandono de los programas. Entre las diversas evaluaciones a los programas de inclusión o alfabetización digital disponibles, escogimos concentrarnos en la reflexión crítica de aquellas basadas en el modelo 'Uno a Uno' [en Argentina, México y Uruguay] no solo por su alcance masivo y generalizado sino también por la fuerte expectativa (explícita o implícita) de que llevar la computadora a la casa produjera sinergias en el hogar en cuanto a la alfabetización digital de los adultos mayores, el acceso al e-gobierno y el estímulo a distintos emprendimientos productivos, sociales o culturales en la familia o en la comunidad. En consecuencia, el estudio se focalizó en recuperar cómo en dichas evaluaciones se hacen presentes los padres, familias, adultos o comunidades, y en indagar los modos en que las familias y sus vínculos con la tecnología son recortados y conceptualizados por las evaluaciones." (Introducción, página 9)
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"The markets we do include are a very diverse bunch, from the very closed and politically tightly controlled such as Laos; through a large number of nations on the African continent which have seen a sudden improvement in digital infrastructure thanks to the landing of several new submarine intercon
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tinental fibre optic cables over the past few years; and not forgetting markets like Trinidad & Tobago, which seems to enjoy a large choice of TV channels to serve a relatively modest population; or indeed Iran, fresh from its welcome back into the international fold following the suspension of UN sanctions in January 2016. For each market, we give some economic data sourced from the IMF, as well as our estimates and forecasts for advertising expenditure and growth in its ad market to 2018. We also provide a short commentary setting out an overview of the media market in question." (Page 1)
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"Media concentration has been an issue around the world. To some observers the power of large corporations has never been higher. To others, the Internet has brought openness and diversity. What perspective is correct? The answer has significant implications for politics, business, culture, regulati
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on, and innovation. It addresses a highly contentious subject of public debate in many countries around the world. In this discussion, one side fears the emergence of media empires that can sway public opinion and endanger democracy. The other side believes the Internet has opened media to unprecedented diversity and worries about excessive regulation by government. Strong opinions and policy advocates abound on each side, yet a lack of quantitative research across time, media industries, and countries undermines these positions. This book moves beyond the rhetoric of free media and free markets to provide a dispassionate and data-driven analysis of global media ownership trends and their drivers. The book covers thirteen media industries, including television, newspapers, book publishing, film, search engines, ISPs, wireless telecommunication, and others across a 10- to 25-year period in thirty countries. After examining these countries, this book offers comparisons and analysis across industries, regions, companies, and development levels. It calculates overall national concentration trends beyond specific media industries, the market share of individual companies in the overall national media sector, and the size and trends of transnational companies in overall global media." (Publisher description)
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"While acknowledging the significant contributions of the public service broadcasting heritage in the Global North in efforts to establish such provision in the Global South, the contributors explain why simple imitation is unlikely to ever work well enough across such a diverse range of countries a
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nd regions with crucial differences in their histories, languages, cultures and experiences." (Publisher description)
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"Internet freedom has declined for the sixth consecutive year, with more governments than ever before targeting social media and communication apps as a means of halting the rapid dissemination of information, particularly during antigovernment protests. Public-facing social media platforms like Fac
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ebook and Twitter have been subject to growing censorship for several years, but in a new trend, governments increasingly target messaging and voice communication apps such as WhatsApp and Telegram. These services are able to spread information and connect users quickly and securely, making it more difficult for authorities to control the information landscape or conduct surveillance. The increased controls show the importance of social media and online communication for advancing political freedom and social justice. It is no coincidence that the tools at the center of the current crackdown have been widely used to hold governments accountable and facilitate uncensored conversations." (Page 1)
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