"The project seeks to restore confidence in the media in South East Europe and Turkey. The focus is on improving media accountability mechanisms, media internal governance, and media and information literacy among citizens to strengthen civil society support for the media and demand for quality medi
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a." (Page 3)
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"Convergence of services usually affects the quality and price of services offered by providers. However, this has not been the case in Romania yet. People benefit from a very competitive market and enjoy fairly cheap services, but the implications of convergence on the content made available to con
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sumers are less beneficial for citizens. If three major companies start controlling both the infrastructure and the media content, the production of good quality journalism is likely to be affected and tastes and ideas could be shaped in unexpected ways. If these companies establish ties with the political elites as well and start endorsing certain ideologies, they can start having an unwarranted impact on society. Although these concerns are now hypothetical, they are grounded in practices that could be observed already for years in Romania. Social media is becoming increasingly influential as a source of information, with more than two-thirds of Romanians getting their news from Facebook, YouTube and other social media platforms. Recent debates surrounding fake news have prompted calls for regulation of the online media in a similar way broadcast activities have been regulated for decades. Civil society organizations have been critical of such initiatives, fearing that they could pave the way to the reintroduction of censorship disguised as user protection." (Page 4)
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"This thesis involves an analysis based on the theory of peace and war journalism to show how these theories express themselves in a conflict area. By taking two major media outlets during the war in Bosnia – Borba (Struggle) and Open Broadcast Network (OBN) – as case study this thesis will expl
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ore the way war and peace journalism and the Galtung dichotomy function in practice. In order to better understand the substance of peace journalism, a qualitative content analysis of articles and reports was conducted. The local newspapers and TV broadcasts in the beginning of the war displayed a powerful war journalism framing whereas toward the end of the conflict the coverage of OBN – established with the assistance of international community – exposes a more hopeful peace journalism framing. The most outstanding peace journalism signs are: an unbiased approach, all-parties coverage, and avoidance of dehumanizing language. The war journalism frame is driven by a present focus orientation, a separation of good and evil and an elite angle. The literature on peace and war journalism puts forward the fact that the current media are a key concern to the media and public experts, combatants and contain a perceptive impact on shifting the focus to the conflict field. By using Galtung’s (1998) peace and war journalism frames indicators, Borba and OBN were tested to help see the difference between war and peace journalism in practice. Findings suggest that a third possibility exist, considering that both OBN and Borba have often shown merely objective-reporting signs without making themselves a good fit to Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace journalism. The belief that there is a clear distinction between peace and war journalism is theoretically derived, which was proved in the Bosnian case where the lines are blurred." (Abstract)
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"The advertising market in Albania is relatively small, especially in regard to the large number of media that exist in the country. The market clearly favours televisions, which receive the lion’s share of the advertising. While the print media is in continuous decline, online media’s advertisi
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ng share has increased significantly, even though the role of the television in absorbing advertising funds is as strong as it has ever been. The radio continues to have its own small, but consolidated niche in this advertising market. The transparency in the media market in Albania continues to be low; both in terms of measurement of audience on one hand, and, consequently, on the criteria used to allocate advertising, on the other hand. Similarly, the strengthening of new actors in the media scene, such as advertising agencies, and partner companies of the media outlets, further complicates the range of factors that affect media outlets’ economy. As a consequence, in the absence of a powerful advertising market or the alternative tools for economically supporting the media, all of these factors to some extent affect also the editorial policy and media content served to the public." (Conclusion, page 53)
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"The survey discovers that the Albanian public, in its overwhelming majority, considers that the media has great importance for the democracy of a country. However, although they recognize the very important role of the media vis-à-vis democracy, about half of respondents say that Albanian media ha
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ve served democracy and public interest somewhat.The surveyed Albanian public also considers that media in Albania are partially free. This perception and evaluation are in line with Freedom House and other international institutions, which classify Albanian media as partially free. Respondents said that the three greatest problems for Albanian media are: 1. Bias, partisanship, and political clientelism; 2. dependence on business interests of media owners, and 3. verbal violence and physical threats toward journalists. The prevalence of such very serious problems for the functioning of the media and the fulfillment of its public mission explains the fact why Albanian media are partially free. On the other hand, the presence of such issues at the top of the list of problems demonstrates serious shortcomings and challenges with regard to aspects of their freedom and independence." (Summary)
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"This study focused on creating a picture of the local media in the country, by analyzing the main institutional players, the problems that they are facing, the status of the local journalists, as well as prospects for the future. The objective of this study was the identification of the whole unive
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rse of the local media, as well as the mapping of the local media. Convinced that the mapping of the local media will serve as an important basis for the launch of other in-depth studies, we have carefully analyzed the majority of available sources from which we could collect information on the local media landscape [...] The effects of the lengthy Albanian transition are clearly visible in the way the local media have been developing. During these three decades of free press, the local media in Albania have not managed to build a sustainable business model and have been continuously fighting for their survival in the market. The small markets, poor economic development, and a lack of media literacy in many local communities in the country, have made the job even harder for these media. Besides these problems, local media operators also have had to face the transformative power of technology at a time when they still had not perfected their model of management. The proliferation of web-based media publications, the social media, and lately the switch to digital broadcasting have found these media unprepared." (Conclusions, page 51-53)
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"Während des kriegerischen Zerfalls von Jugoslawien und der Bildung neuer Nationalstaaten entstand in der Region ein reges Dokumentarfilmschaffen, das sich den dominanten Rhetoriken der Politik entgegenstellte. Anhand dieses Filmkorpus untersucht die Studie die Bedingungen der Filmproduktion und -r
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ezeption vor dem Hintergrund der komplexen politischen Zusammenhänge und fragt nach den Möglichkeiten der gesellschaftlichen Aktivierung. Die Autorin zeigt, wie die Filme mittels innovativer formalästhetischer Strategien die Widersprüche der existierenden Verhältnisse in ihrer unüberschaubaren Vielschichtigkeit aufdeckten und so die Reflexion der Zuschauer*innen anzuregen versuchten. Ihre präzisen Analysen führen sie zu Erkenntnissen darüber, wie politisch-aktivierende Dokumentarfilme eine zukünftige Realität evozieren, die als eine ‹sich formende› gedacht werden muss. Zudem rückt die Studie ein Filmschaffen in den Blick, das bislang kaum die ihm gebührende Aufmerksamkeit erhalten hat." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The Balkans Media Assistance Program (BMAP) (2017 – 2021, $8 million) is a USAID funded initiative focused on making media more competitive in local and regional marketplaces and strengthening the sustainability of the independent media sector across the Balkans, particularly in the digital space
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." (Overview)
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"People across 27 countries are divided on whether they trust traditional media (magazines and newspapers, TV and radio). These sources are equally trusted as they are distrusted. However, levels of trust in media sources vary greatly at the country level. Trust in traditional media is perceived to
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have decreased over the past five years. This survey shows two main contributing factors: the prevalence of fake news and doubts about media sources’ good intentions. Online media websites are slightly less trusted than traditional media, but trust in them is not reported to have dropped as extensively over the past five years. Proximity to people matters. People are most trusting of other people they know them personally. Furthermore, personal relationships are the only source of news and information that is perceived to have gained in trustworthiness over the past five years. Opinions vary widely across countries as to whether public broadcasters can be trusted more than private ones, depending on how broadcasting services are organized and controlled." (Key findings)
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"In the western Balkans, where post-war societies are still trying to rebuild their lives, and tensions lie just below the surface, media messages influenced by the politics of the day are destabilizing. For some, this is poorly disguised propaganda, a kind of political “spin”, “spun” by man
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y of the same political elites who were in power in the 1990s and delivered to the public by the mainstream media. In doing so the media is perpetuating divisive rhetoric, and not allowing societies to have reprieve from, or reflect on their traumatic pasts. In this kind of environment, the space for journalists and actors to investigate all sides of a complex story, and to report on present and past events based on facts, in turn challenging dominant societal narratives, is limited. And not only limited, but dangerous. In this 13th edition of Balkan.Perspectives, authors from academia, journalism and law reflect on the current state of media in the region, the structures supporting it, and what could change to give space and attention to all sides of a story, in order to challenge dominant interpretations of the past and bring about constructive discourse on these topics." (Editorial)
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"From a normative standpoint the media are usually seen as one of the pillars of a national integrity system, entrusted with the tasks of exposing and preventing acts of corruption and educating the public of the harm caused by corruption. Nevertheless, corruption continues to be one of the most sig
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nificant challenges that Europe faces, undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and weakening the accountability of political leadership. Evidence suggests that in fragile EU democracies such as Bulgaria, despite more than eight years of full membership and numerous preventive measures, corruption is rife and the press is hardly capable of exposing abuses of power or authority. On the contrary - drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 Bulgarian journalists - this paper argues that since communism collapsed in the late 1980s the media in post-communist societies such as Bulgaria has gradually become an instrument to promote and defend private vested interests, and is plagued by corruption. Senior journalists and editors cast serious doubt over the ability of the post-communist free press and journalism to act as a watchdog for society." (Abstract)
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"The Operational Handbook for Contact Centres for online safety of children contains action guidelines as well as knowledge, procedures and rules for successful work through the helpline for providing quality assistance and support to children, youth, families, professionals, teachers and others wor
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king with children and young people on the safer and secure use of the Internet and protection of children and young people when using modern technologies, as well as reporting illegal or harmful content on the Internet (hotline). The document also contains examples of good international and regional practices on the functioning of similar centres (Safer Internet Centres). The purpose of the Operational Handbook is to analyse the work of the Safer Internet Centres and offer guidance to the National Contact Centre for online safety of children in the Republic of Serbia on how to improve its efficiency and enhance its impact. This analysis also included a wider context in which the children helplines and reporting lines function, mapped out some of the new risks that children and young people might encounter in the digital environment, as well as the necessary support and resources needed for effective response and implications for the operational efficiency." (Page 6)
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"The visual presentation of the Serb accused in TV news was based on iconic images of the accused combined with symbolic images of the state and its power, with nearly complete absence of visuals of atrocities and victims. In contrast, the visual presentation of the Croatian, Bosniak and Albanian de
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fendants draws meaning mainly from sequences of images displaying victims, war destruction or attacks as “palpable” proof of crimes. This supports a sentiment of collective victimhood of the Serb population and creates the impression of the indicted persons’ guilt even after their acquittals by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Since the research project has been limited to three Serb TV channels, comparative work on TV media in other states of former Yugoslavia would be required in order to assess how ’special’ the case of Serbia is regarding these visual strategies. The much disputed legitimacy of the ICTY and the important role of media have also become obvious in focus groups interviews with students in Serbia: The students displayed a striking lack of knowledge about war crimes; nonetheless, they strongly rejected the ICTY as a biased institution. At the same time, they were perceptive of new facts and interpretations, showing that they have a genuine need to understand the past and obtain objective information. A major problem is that in their perception there are few, if any, objective, neutral institutions which to put trust in. The expert interviews, conducted in Belgrade and The Hague, underlined the critical state of mainstream TV media in Serbia: They were assessed as not really independent, driven by entertainment formats, suspect to governmental pressure and failing in their watchdog functions. The interviewees also expressed a widespread disappointment about the state of affairs of transitional justice in Serbia." (Summary)
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"A key element of the guidebook are the follow-up questions, which can guide us in the right direction when children feature in our stories. Some of the questions focus on written rules—for example, making sure we have complied with all the laws—but others target the “unwritten” rules, the t
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erritory of ethics and morality. Questions of the latter type are not always straightforward and may require us to try putting ourselves in the place of the child, imagining how they feel or how our actions might affect their feelings. As the popular phrase goes, we must “walk in their shoes." (Page 3)
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"In den 1980er Jahren verstärkte sich das Unbehagen an der Gedenkkultur mit ihren Heldenerzählungen und nationalen Beschränkungen. Mit der größeren Komplexität des Gedenkens und der Hinwendung zu den sozialen Kosten historischer Ereignisse prägte sich eine neue Erinnerungskultur aus. Diese is
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t kein abgeschlossenes Modell. In diesem Prozess wandeln sich die Wahrnehmung der Vergangenheit sowie die zukunftsgerichteten Zwecke des Gedenkens." (Seite 17)
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"This books draws a comparative balance of twenty years' international media assistance in the five countries of the Western Balkans. The central question was what happens to imported models when they are transposed onto the newly evolving media systems of transitional societies. Albania, Bosnia-Her
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zegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia undertook a range of media reforms to conform with accession requirements of the European Union and the standards of the Council of Europe, among others. The essays explore the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance. The cross-national analysis concludes that the effects of international assistance are highly constrained by the local context. From today's vantage point it becomes obvious, that scaling media assistance does not necessarily improve outcomes. The experiences in the region suggest that imported solutions have not been very cognitive in all aspects of local conditions but international strategies tend to be rather schematic and lacked strategic approaches to promote media policy stability, credible media reform and implementation. The book offers valuable insights into the nature and effects of media assistance and the strategies deployed by international aid agencies, local political forces, media professionals, civil society organizations and other actors." (Publisher description)
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