"Due to the nature of their jobs, journalists reporting from theaters of war, destruction, and violence are frequently exposed to potentially traumatizing experience. This study explores how journalists go about trauma exposure, how they deal with its emotional fallout, and what support they get in
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the process. In doing so, we use 35 qualitative interviews with conflict journalists working for news media in German-speaking countries, and draw on established theories of trauma exposure, its mental consequences, and ways to cope with them. Findings show that conflict journalists run a significant risk of experiencing trauma, either directly as targets of violence, or indirectly as eye-witnesses and as recipients of narrative accounts and vivid images of human suffering. Respondents noted a glaring lack of organizational support and prevention structure, which they connected to a problematic newsroom culture characterized by sexism, machoism, and a fierce competition." (Abstract)
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"Die Affinität zu Verschwörungsnarrativen lässt sich nur bedingt aufgrund von sozialstrukturellen und lebensweltlichen Kontextbedingungen vorhersagen. Auch die Coronapandemie hat diese Mentalitäten nicht hervorgebracht, sie waren, wie die Untersuchungen aus den früheren Jahren zeigen – bereit
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s vorher weit verbreitet. Es gibt allerdings einige Risikofaktoren, die erwähnt werden sollten: Eine hohe subjektive Belastung durch Corona in Kombination mit dem Gefühl, von Staat und Gesellschaft alleingelassen worden zu sein, gehören ebenso dazu wie Migrationserfahrung und ein hohes Alter. Ausgehend davon, dass die Coronapandemie soziale Differenzen nicht nur sichtbarer gemacht, sondern auch verschärft hat, bot sie für betroffene Bevölkerungsgruppen offenbar auch mehr Anlässe für die Hinwendung zu alternativen Erzählungen, die Kontrollverluste aufwiegen und den Selbstwert steigern. Der größte Risikofaktor ist allerdings politischer Natur: Menschen mit ausgeprägter Verschwörungsmentalität stehen politisch rechts und sind mit dem Funktionieren der Demokratie in Deutschland unzufrieden. Dieser Befund legt es nahe, sie vor allem im politischen Raum anzusprechen. Das ist auch deswegen notwendig, weil Menschen mit starker Verschwörungsmentalität kein Randphänomen sind. Unsere Analysen lassen erkennen, dass mindestens 12 Prozent der hier analysierten Stichprobe überzeugte Verschwörungs-„Theoretiker“ sein dürften. Umgekehrt können wir festhalten, was gegen Verschwörungsnarrative hilft: Bildung trägt ihren Teil bei, ebenso wie eine optimistische Zukunftssicht und eine positive Haltung gegenüber der Demokratie." (Zusammenfassung und Ausblick, Seite 12)
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"Growing up in Mogadishu, Somalia, Shirin Ramzanali Fazel was immersed in the language and culture of Italy, Somalia's former colonizer. Yet when she moved to Italy as a young mother in the 1970s, she discovered a country where immigrants and Muslims were viewed with a mixture of curiosity and suspi
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cion–where, even today, she and her children must seemingly prove they are Italian. In Islam and Me, Fazel tells her story and shares the experiences of other Muslim women living in Italy, revealing the wide variety of Muslim identities and the common prejudices they encounter. Looking at Italian school textbooks, newspapers, and TV programs, she invites us to change the way Muslim immigrants, and especially women, are depicted in both news reports and scholarly research. Islam and Me is a meditation on our multireligious, multiethnic, and multilingual reality, as well as an exploration of how we might reimagine national culture and identity so that they become more diverse, inclusive, and anti-racist." (Publisher description)
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"Can residents of Ukraine discern between pro-Kremlin disinformation and true statements? Moreover, which pro-Kremlin disinformation claims are more likely to be believed, and by which audiences? We present the results from two surveys carried out in 2019—one online and the other face-to-face—th
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at address these questions in Ukraine, where the Russian government and its supporters have heavily targeted disinformation campaigns. We find that, on average, respondents can distinguish between true stories and disinformation. However, many Ukrainians remain uncertain about a variety of disinformation claims’ truthfulness. We show that the topic of the disinformation claim matters. Disinformation about the economy is more likely to be believed than disinformation about politics, historical experience, or the military. Additionally, Ukrainians with partisan and ethnolinguistic ties to Russia are more likely to believe pro-Kremlin disinformation across topics. Our findings underscore the importance of evaluating multiple types of disinformation claims present in a country and examining these claims’ target audiences." (Abstract)
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"Using a multimodal discourse analysis approach, this dynamic collection examines various discourses, modes and media in circulation during the early stages of the pandemic, and how these have impacted our daily lives in terms of the various meanings they express. Examples include how national and i
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nternational news organisations communicate important information about the virus and the crisis, the public’s reactions to such communications, the resultant (counter- )discourses as manifested in social media posts and memes, as well as the impact social distancing policies and mobility restrictions have had on people’s communication and interaction practices. The book offers a synoptic view of how the pandemic was communicated, represented and (re- )contextualised across different spheres, and ultimately hopes to help account for the significant changes we are continuing to witness in our everyday lives as the pandemic unfolds." (Publisher description)
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"Insgesamt zeigt sich sowohl in der internationalen als auch in der deutschen Berichterstattung über Gewalt gegen Frauen ein recht einheitliches Bild. Gewalt gegen Frauen muss besonders brutal sein, um die Schwelle der medialen Berichterstattung zu überschreiten. Dies gilt insbesondere für Gewalt
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in Paarbeziehungen. Dass in den Medien vor allem über Tötungsdelikte an Frauen berichtet wird, kann auf den ersten Blick als Sensibilisierung für Femizide verstanden werden. Tatsächlich wird eine solche Sensibilisierung durch die Berichterstattung aber nur dann erreicht, wenn Femizide auch als solche eingeordnet werden. Eine entsprechende Einordnung findet jedoch in den meisten Fällen nicht statt: Die mediale Berichterstattung erfolgt überwiegend in Form von Einzelfallberichten, ohne Bezugnahme auf das Ausmaß von Gewalt gegen Frauen oder eine Einordnung durch Expertinnen und Experten. Geschlechtsspezifische Gewalt gegen Frauen als strukturelles Problem wird vor allem dann thematisiert, wenn es einen aktuellen Anlass gibt, wie zum Beispiel die jährliche Veröffentlichung der Polizeilichen Kriminalstatistik zu Gewalt in Paarbeziehungen. Obwohl die überproportionale Fokussierung auf Tötungsdelikte der allgemeinen Medienlogik entspricht, erscheint sie im Kontext von Gewalt gegen Frauen besonders problematisch. Studien zu Gewalt in Paarbeziehungen zeigen, dass eine Tötungshandlung häufig nicht spontan erfolgt, sondern der letzte Schritt in einer langen Geschichte von Zwangskontrolle und Gewalt ist. Diese Eskalation verläuft häufig nach ähnlichen Mustern. Mediale Berichterstattung, die sich nur auf diesen letzten, irreversiblen Akt konzentriert, verdeckt, dass Tötungsdelikten in Paarbeziehungen in der Regel viele alltäglichere und weniger drastische Formen von Gewalt vorausgehen." (Fazit)
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"Impartial news, or news without a partisan slant or overt point-ofview, is overwhelmingly preferred by news audiences worldwide, yet what such preferences mean remains poorly understood. In this study, we examine what people mean when they say they prefer impartial news. We draw on qualitative inte
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rviews and focus groups with 132 individuals in Brazil, India, the UK, and the US, conducted in early 2021. Our results show while the idea of impartial news is widely embraced in abstract, ranging from notions of reporting “just the facts” to more nuanced views about how feasible impartiality is to achieve, there is no shared understanding of impartiality in practice. People’s perceptions of impartiality are rooted in two intertwined folk theories: the notion that news production and editorial decisions are guided largely by (a) partisan political agendas or (b) commercial considerations, determining what stories were chosen, ignored, or crafted in order to deceive and manipulate. There is some country variation around the importance of these folk theories, but their recurrence suggests that demonstrating impartiality to audiences requires convincing them not only that news content is balanced but also that editorial decisions were not driven by ulterior motives." (Abstract)
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"Since the beginning of 2020, media around the world have started and intensified their TikTok activity to gain notoriety and reach young people, their main user group. However, as with other previously popularized social media, such as Facebook or Twitter, the platform’s logic is different from t
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hat traditionally employed by the media system when developing information products. The objective of this paper is to analyze the degree of adaptation to the logic of this network for the activity developed on it by the Spanish media. For this purpose, a combined methodology of quantitative and content analysis was applied to 446 videos posted by the official user accounts of 20 Minutos, Antena 3 Noticias, El Diario, El Mundo, and El País –the five media outlets with the largest online audience in that period –from the time the accounts were created until January 31, 2022. Specifically, we studied the activity developed, the notoriety achieved, and the interaction obtained, as well as the most common formats, topics, protagonists, and brand identity elements. The results show that the main Spanish media have tried to adapt to the entertainment logic of the platform both with the use of native editing resources as well as through the creation of original materials, predominantly soft news, about entertainment, celebrities, and lifestyle. The videos that gain more notoriety are those that are more adapted to this logic. However, the Spanish media analyzed post less frequently than international media, obtain fewer views, and register lower engagement levels; in addition, they do not use their presence on this social network to promote their other editorial products." (Abstract)
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"In light of the controversial relationship and blurred lines between information and entertainment media, the current study’s goal aimed at qualitatively exploring media entertainment’s role in emerging adults’ political identity formation and engagement. By analyzing 55 semistructured interv
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iews from Germany, Croatia, Turkey, South Korea, and the Philippines, we examined how emerging adults in 5 countries—differing in tightness-looseness, political culture, and media freedom—explore alternative political identities (identity exploration) and commit to a set of political values (identity commitment). Across countries, notable similarities supported the notion of traditional and new forms of entertainment as universal drivers of political identity formation and engagement (e.g., informational source, broadening one’s horizon). However, idiosyncrasies of countries reflected unique cultural values, beliefs, and norms, and the benefits of media entertainment pathways to political identity development appeared to depend on political freedom and democracy." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes how patronage crowdfunding is becoming a central part of the model for building a radio station. Implementing this model requires mobilizing listeners to engage in the direct, long-term financial support of a station. The analysis conducted in this article is based on a case s
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tudy of Radio 357—an Internet radio station in Poland funded through digital patronage since 2020. The success of this station suggests that the development of crowdfunding has created a space for new types of participatory engagement by audiences. Not only are we experiencing a reduction in the distance between presenters and listeners alongside increased connectivity between members of the audience but we are also seeing the intervention of patrons in shaping the station in terms of how, what, and when it broadcasts." (Abstract)
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"In this article, we revisit some of the debates about changing journalistic labour that have first emerged when digital technologies became widely available in newsrooms. The terms multiskilling, deskilling, up-skilling and re-skilling have been applied in a variety of contexts and in a range of st
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udies, but explorations of journalistic labour have tended to focus on core (news) workers. The de-skilling debate that originated in Braverman’s work continues to be relevant but we need a more nuanced approach to journalistic labour. Our case study addresses skills and changing work conditions in a regional Czech public service television newsroom and takes into account the experience of core as well as peripheral news workers. We conclude that camera reporters—those at the periphery of journalistic work—have faced the most detrimental loss of professional autonomy. We argue that a holistic approach to the core and the periphery of a newsroom helps us overcome some of the shortcomings of the conceptual variety of understandings of the journalistic field and the journalistic profession as well as the divergent definitions of skills involved in journalistic labour. Our case study is also important because it centres on underresearched public service media." (Abstract)
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"Every year, the NGO »Initiative Nachrichtenaufklärung« (INA) partners with the Deutschlandfunk editorial office to present a list of ten topics that have been neglected by the media. The objective is to make journalists aware of gaps in media coverage. For journalists, picking up such topics mig
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ht even be an opportunity to land an exclusive scoop. Since major issues, such as the Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine have been dominating news coverage for some time now, it is more important than ever to seek out »forgotten news«." (Abstract)
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"As a communicative space, the Russian public sphere is dramatically prosecuted, and it suffers from pathologic efforts to have it systematically shut down. This article looks back into the history of the new restrictive media laws and their framing in the state media. The analysis is disclosing how
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, or through which instruments and conditions, the state enabled, justified, and legitimized the act of securitization. It seeks to answer if there is a space left for dissident voices to be heard and for digital activism and resistance to exist or if the Russian media system has become a place solely defined by constant manipulation, censorship, and restrictions." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the journalistic discourse on the Instagram project @ichbinsophiescholl, initiated by Südwestrundfunk (SWR) and Bayerischer Rundfunk (BR). The project is based on a fictional premise in which the resistance fighter Sophie Scholl uses the social media platform Instagram during t
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he last few months before her arrest and murder in 1943. This thought experiment and its implementation in 2021 attracted a great deal of media attention and, at its peak, more than 900,000 mostly young people were following Sophie Scholl, played by Luna Wedler, on Instagram. The PR departments of SWR and BR communicated the number of followers and the extensive reporting as a major success and vindication of their approach to reaching young people. This analysis reconstructs discursive patterns, discourse strands, and discourse positions in the reporting on the project between May 1, 2021 and July 20, 2022. Based on the findings, we discuss the extent to which »the« journalism has fulfilled its public role and the various functions assigned to it." (Abstract)
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