"Using the extended parallel process model (PPM), this research examines whether and how humor functions to influence women’s breast self-examination (BSE) intention. We conducted a 2 (humor: present vs. absent) × 2 (threat: high vs. low) × 2 (efficacy: high vs. low) between-subjects experiment
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in which we measured individual differences in BSE intention. The sample includes 480 Chinese women aged 20–50 years old. Results suggest that the 2-way interaction effect between threat and efficacy was significant, indicating that women who received messages containing high threat and high efficacy had the highest intention of BSE. In addition, the 3-way interaction effect between threat, efficacy, and humor was significant. The results indicate that if women perceive the threat of getting breast cancer as mild and believe that they are incapable of preventing it, messages with humor can significantly enhance their intention to engage in BSE when compared with messages without humor. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the construction of distributed trust under today’s networked environment. Focusing on diaspora micro-influencers’ COVID-19-related videos on Bilibili, this study aims to explore: How platform-specific features of Bilibili enhance the construction of distributed trust; the d
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ynamics among a diversity of sources on trust building; and the ways in which the content of uploaders’ videos and users’ comments contribute to the formation of distributed trust. The results show that user participation, particularly participatory surveillance enabled by platform-specific features, plays a key role in the construction of distributed trust. Although it has new characteristics, we can also see that the formation of distributed trust is not a replacement of the old model but only an outcome of its transformation and evolvement." (Abstract)
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"In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, there is a growing use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for the purposes of labor control and surveillance. This trend significantly affects the knowledge workers who are deeply connected with ICT. However, there is a lack of studies tackl
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ing the perceptions of knowledge workers regarding surveillance, its impact on their work practices, and how they push back against it. Based on Scott’s concept of hidden transcripts, this article studies the workplace surveillance faced by Chinese knowledge workers and their responses and reveals the complex interplay between workplace control, the meaning of work, and hidden transcripts. Based on the findings of 13 in-depth interviews and the analysis of the content of 3,205 Weibo posts, 4 themes are identified in the discussions about the work of Chinese knowledge workers, the influence of their perceived meaning of work on their interpretation of surveillance, and the specific strategies of their hidden transcripts. The paradoxical role of ICT is demonstrated in labor rights as sites of surveillance and countersurveillance, especially digital platforms. Furthermore, a more comprehensive internal view of the survival dynamics among knowledge workers is provided." (Abstract)
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"In February 2020, the Communist Youth League introduced two virtual idols, Jiangshanjiao and Hongqiman, on Weibo to gain political solidarity during COVID-19. However, the move sparked massive criticism for using an animated female idol while ignoring the needs of female medical workers in the pand
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emic’s epicenter who lacked essential menstrual supplies. One post, “Jiangshanjiao, do you get your period?” went viral and was retweeted more than 100,000 times in several hours before being censored. The pushback eventually led to the league deleting its original announcement. Based on 1,106 posts and 10 interviews, this study explores the emotions expressed through Jiangshanjiao and how they inform feminist online engagement in China. Drawing on Sara Ahmed’s framework on emotions, the findings show that emotions expressed through Jiangshanjiao predominately circle around disgust and fear, which confront state propaganda, acknowledge the pervasiveness of sexual violence, and foster solidarity. Chinese feminism has been caught in the middle of misogyny and the strict control of activism. Reviewing Jiangshanjiao provides insights into how resistance has played out in the complicated gender politics in China." (Abstract)
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"This research offers a discourse-theoretical analysis of the construction of the militarist discourse in Turkish Cypriot children’s magazines, with a specific focus on the magazine Tuncer. The selected data for analysis consist of 14 issues published between January 1967 and December 1968. The ch
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osen period is deliberate, aligning with crucial turning points in the Cyprus Problem, marked by heightened collective violence. To better understand the articulation of the militarist discourse within these issues of Tuncer, a theoretical model is developed drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The militarist discourse is seen to have 4 nodal points: (1) the army as a national protection assemblage, (2) obligated citizenship, (3) the sanctity of sacrifice, and (4) the need for the destruction of the enemy. The analysis demonstrates the presence of all 4 nodal points, with particular emphasis on the strength of the army as a national protection assemblage and the need for the destruction of the enemy. Furthermore, the contextualization within the Cyprus Problem unveils internal conflations, highlighting the deeply political nature of the militarist discourse." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the portrayal of Mao Zedong in Chinese literacy textbooks published within the context of the Patriotic Education Campaign during the 1980s and 1990s. Employing critical discourse analysis, this study reveals that Mao is depicted as an authoritative, charismatic, and industrio
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us political leader who maintains a frugal lifestyle and close ties with the people. The textbooks primarily highlight his role during the Chinese revolutions and the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), while avoiding discussion of his later political conflicts and flawed economic policies. This deliberate approach allows the Chinese Communist Party to construct a favorable image of Mao, aimed at preserving Maoism’s legitimacy among younger generations of Chinese who may not be well-acquainted with the Chinese revolutions. Consequently, the collective memories cultivated about Mao through the education system serve as a form of proregime propaganda, illustrating the intricate and symbiotic relationship between education and propaganda in the PRC." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the versatile tactics of digital activism in China via two pivotal artivist interventions in 2022: the Xiaohuamei T-shirt and the global Ürümqi road sign projects. It explores how activists navigate an increasingly restrictive digital environment by hybridizing online and onsi
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te tactics and revitalizing the role of materiality. The archival analysis reveals that these movement artifacts, such as T-shirts and road signs, are anonymously produced and distributed through clandestine networks, which are not just tangible records of protest dissent but also vital components of a broader socioarchival ecosystem. The findings suggest that such artifact-centric activism promotes the emergence of more dispersed and inclusive resistance networks that cut across gender and class lines. These networks and their practices offer a fresh template for mobilization that blends seamlessly into the fabric of everyday life, allowing for the preservation of activist endurance and movement afterlives in repressive regimes." (Abstract)
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"This study discusses the relationship among the various dimensions of populism, hate speech, and disinformation within the political discourse on X (formerly Twitter) in India and Pakistan. Employing manual content analysis, we examined 7,141 posts from both populist and non-populist political lead
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ers in both countries. Our findings reveal a significant correlation among these three challenging concepts, indicating that posts exhibiting higher levels of populism also tend to score higher on both hate speech and disinformation. Although certain aspects of populism, such as a pro-people and anti-elite approach, are not inherently harmful, our study emphasizes that Manicheanism is a problematic concept in political discourses because of its close association with hate speech and disinformation." (Abstract)
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"This study analyses the Indian and Pakistani publics reactions of the extensive coverage of the Pulwama terror attack, through an analysis of the online comments appearing at the end of the news stories covering the attack from the two leading English newspapers: Times of India (TOI) (India), and D
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awn (D) (Pakistan). A qualitative content analysis is performed to compare and examine this dialogue emerging in the news comments sections. Findings are explored and discussed through conceptualizations of religion, nationalism, and a social psychological perspective towards exclusion of out-groups." (Abstract)
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"In India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) employs a digital army of right-wing supporters to harass journalists who are critical of the party's Hindu-nationalist ideology. As a result, the country's press freedom rankings have significantly declined over the past decade. While scholars have
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examined the discursive strategies used by online Hindu nationalists against journalists, how reporters cope with these attacks remains unknown. This study investigates how Indian media professionals perceive the personal and professional consequences of harassment for themselves and the coping strategies they use to combat digital hate. In-depth interviews with 24 journalists reveal that they employ mechanisms such as strategic social disconnection, formation of alliance networks, and working for non-profit news sites and international media organizations to overcome the effects of social media harassment. The analysis also highlights that commercial media that are subservient to the Modi government failed to protect their reporters, while independent media outlets provide much more support to their employees. The findings underscore the need for social media companies to promptly respond to content flagged by journalists and allocate additional resources to moderate hate speech in India's local languages to safeguard journalists from sustained online abuse." (Abstract)
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"The fifth edition of the Global Cybersecurity Index (GCI) measures the commitment of countries to cybersecurity in the context of measures across the following five pillars: legal; technical; organizational; capacity development; cooperation. The GCI, launched in 2015 by the International Telecommu
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nication Union, seeks to help countries to identify areas of improvement and encourage countries to act in building capacity and capabilities under each pillar. The GCI has been continuously adapted across editions to respond to changing risks, priorities and resources, in order to provide a more relevant snapshot of cybersecurity measures taken by countries. Since 2021, countries have on average taken more cybersecurity-related actions and improved their commitments to cybersecurity. The global average country score has risen to 65.7/100. Across the five GCI pillars, most countries are strongest in the legal pillar. By contrast, the average country is weakest in the capacity-development and technical pillars. Each region has countries that are role-modelling or are advancing, and each region also has countries that are in the beginning stages of building their cybersecurity commitments. To capture these differences, country performance is measured across five tiers, with Tier 1 being the highest and Tier 5 the lowest. These tiers provide peer groups based on scores to help countries to understand and identify role models for improvement." (Report summary, page 1)
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"Cumulatively, this research points to the need for increasing efforts to ensure knowledge gaps around the submarine cable are addressed, and that definitions and analyses of topics such as mis- and disinformation, and digital literacy, are developed, shared, and adopted in ways that respond to Timo
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rese concerns and experiences. This would require supporting Timorese-led and owned approaches and solutions to theknowledge gaps, defined through collaboration and consultation with key actors andstakeholders, taking account of the time and resource pressures within which they alreadyoperate. Timorese media leaders and government should be recognised as key stakeholders indigital connectivity research and programmatic initiatives." (Key recommendations)
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"The Policy Brief covers pathways for reform of government regulation or public policy with respect to areas applicable to platform workers. These include: a) Laws and statutes enacted by the legislative branch or Congress; and b) Administrative issuances made by the executive branch [...] Further,
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it must be noted that judicial decisions promulgated by the Supreme Court also form part of the Philippine legal system. Indeed, numerous judicial decisions clarify rights pertaining to labour. Foremost in these decisions are the elements in determining the existence of employment relationship, more commonly known today as the four-fold test, which was first enunciated in the Supreme Court decision of Viaña v. Al-Lagadan in 1956. For the purposes of this Policy Brief, these doctrines will be considered as governing law or of what constitutes the present policy and legal landscape from which gaps may be identified. However, possible changes in the doctrines promulgated by the Supreme Court are excluded from the coverage for being judicial, and not political in nature. Thus, the Policy Brief includes proposals that can be adopted either through a legislative act or an executive or administrative issuance, taking into consideration the nuances of the breadth of legislative processes and the limits of executive rulemaking as merely directed to an existing law’s implementation." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"Sie stammt aus einfachen Verhältnissen vom Land, doch heute ist die gerade mal 24 Jahre alte Noeun Sreynoch Moderatorin und Programmmacherin beim Sender „Women‘s Radio“ in Phnom Penh. In ihren Sendungen geht es vor allem um die Anliegen von Frauen und soziale Themen." (Einleitung)
"More than a dozen experts provide deep insights in stories, research reports, and geographical studies of digital literacy and inclusion models, all from a multi-disciplinary perspective that includes engineering, social sciences, and education. Digital Literacy and Inclusion also highlights a show
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case of real-world digital literacy initiatives that have been adopted by communities of practice around the globe. Contributors explore myriad aspects and modalities of digital literacy: digital skills related to creativity, urban data literacy, digital citizenship skills, digital literacy in education, connectivity literacy, online safety skills, problem-solving and critical-thinking digital skills, data literacy skills, mobile digital literacy, algorithmic digital skills, digital health skills, etc. They share the principles and techniques behind successful initiatives and examine the dynamics and structures that enable communities to achieve digital literacy efficiently and sustainably." (Publisher description)
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"This volume addresses the concept of “(in)nocent lies” in the media – beyond the concept of misleading information online, this extends to a deliberate effort to spread misinformation, disinformation and conspiracy theories – and proposes a critical approach to tackle the issue in related i
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nterdisciplinary fields. The book takes a multidisciplinary and international approach, addressing the digital divide and global inequality, as well as algorithmic bias, how misinformation harms vulnerable groups, social lynching and the effect of misinformation on certain social, political and cultural agendas, among other topics. Arranged thematically, the chapters paint a nuanced and original picture of this issue." (Publisher description)
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