"[...] L’objectif de ce mémoire de DEA était de démontrer la manière dont les journalistes construisent leurs identités lorsqu’ils analysent l’actualité de la semaine sur le plateau de Télé 50. Nous avons considéré l’émission ayant fait objet d’analyse, de discours médiatique.
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C’est pour cela, nous l’avons analysée sous plusieurs facteurs partant des considérations théoriques allant dans le sens du débat télévisé et de l’analyse conversationnelle issue des dynamiques interactionnelles amenant à la construction identitaire des protagonistes. [...] Après l’analyse de l’épisode, nous avons conclu que la visée dominante de l’émission était de faire surgir une vérité, informer voire révéler et pousser les protagonistes à dévoiler leurs positionnements à travers leurs discours. Nous avons retenu dans cette analyse, au regard des identités construites, quatre positionnements des journalistes Kinois. Le premier positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-pouvoir ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des gouvernants. Le deuxième positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-opposition ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des opposants congolais. Le troisième positionnement est celui de ceux des centristes, ceux qui s’efforcent de demeurer Église au milieu du village. Ils ne travaillent pas pour des intérêts partisans mais pour l’intérêt supérieur du public et le bien-être social. Le dernier positionnement est marqué par les journalistes qui sont en quête de positionnement c’est-à-dire ceux qui ne se sont pas encore situés par rapport au régime actuel caractérisé par une mosaïque des partis politiques pro-pouvoir." (Conclusion generale, pages 175-178)
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"This book explores how popular cultural artifacts, literary texts, commemorative practices and other forms of remembrances are used to convey, transmit and contest memories of mass atrocities in the Global South. Some of these historical atrocities took place during the Cold war. As such, this book
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unpacks the influence or role of the global powers in conflict in the Global South. Contributors are grappling with a number of issues such as the politics of memorialization, memory conflicts, exhumations, reburials, historical dialogue, peacebuilding and social healing, memory activism, visual representation, transgenerational transmission of memories, and identity politics." (Publisher description)
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"En contexte d’élections hors pair comme en 2023 en RDC, on s’attendrait à une contestation populaire des résultats. Mais le contraire s’est avéré vrai. Comment expliquer ce paradoxe ? A travers une approche herméneutique, sous-tendue par la recherche documentaire et l’observation dire
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cte, cet article démontre ce paradoxe s’explique par le fait que la CENI a bien managé avec la de communication visant l’intercompréhension à travers le two step flow of communication. En effet, au lieu de s’adresser aux contestataires de droit, les candidats, elle s’est plutôt adressée à l’opinion publique. Mais pour bien atteindre cette dernière, elle est passée par les confessions religieuses, la MOE CENCO- ECC notamment, dont elle s’est servie comme boucliers en même temps qu’elle les neutralisait à travers une subtile dynamique adaptation-résilience. Mais attention ! Certains éléments qui fondent le dialogue, à savoir la vérité : la justesse, la sincérité et la pertinence ont été bafoués. La crise reste donc latente." (Abstract)
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"The Rwandan genocide is the second most audio-visually recreated genocide after the Holocaust, with approximately 200 films and documentaries produced in 39 countries between 1994 and 2021. Historical Media Memories of the Rwandan Genocide studies the construction, the development, and the recreati
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on of the transnational historical media memory of the genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994. This is the first comprehensive work that traces the international media image and the creation of historical memories of the Rwandan genocide, starting with the day to day television news reporting in 1994, and continuing with analyzes of how the genocide has been used and recreated in film and documentaries on a global level as well on a national level, where Rwanda, as a nation, creates its own images of the genocide in film and television production in order to support a new national identity." (Publisher description)
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"Covid Conspiracy Theories in Global Perspective examines how conspiracy theories and related forms of misinformation and disinformation about the Covid-19 pandemic have circulated widely around the world. Covid conspiracy theories have attracted considerable attention from researchers, journalists,
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and politicians, not least because conspiracy beliefs have the potential to negatively affect adherence to public health measures. While most of this focus has been on the United States and Western Europe, this collection provides a unique global perspective on the emergence and development of conspiracy theories through a series of case studies. The chapters have been commissioned by recognized experts on area studies and conspiracy theories. The chapters present case studies on how Covid conspiracism has played out (some focused on a single country, others on regions), using a range of methods from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, including history, politics, sociology, anthropology, and psychology. Collectively, the authors reveal that, although there are many narratives that have spread virally, they have been adapted for different uses and take on different meanings in local contexts." (Publisher description)
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"This research indicates that the government criminalises free speech by using a vague and broad definition of fake news, and clamps down on dissent and criticism, and that journalists who criticise the government are seen as enemies of the state — as in the case of the jailing of Kingsley Fomunyu
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y Njoka. This was evident during the conflict in the Anglophone regions in 2017. Internet throttling was also used during the 2018 elections. Online surveillance has been used to track down and arrest Cameroonians who criticise the president and state authority, citing the cybersecurity and cyber criminality law. Journalists have been arrested and jailed for social media posts. The lucky ones have been freed, some fled the country but many more are still in jail in connection with issues related to freedom of expression, information, and opinion on and offline." (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"Who owns the media and communications in Africa today and with what implications? The book elegantly answers this urgent question by unpacking multiple dimensions of media ownership through rare and authoritative perspectives, including both historical and contemporary digital developments. It trac
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es the evolving forms of ownership of media and communications in specific African contexts, showing how they interact with broader changes in and outside the continent. The book also shows how Big Techs, such as Meta (formerly known as Facebook), are involved in a scramble for Africa’s digital ecosystem and how their advance brings both opportunities and concerns about ownership and control. The chapters analyse evolving forms of ownership and their implications on media concentration and democracy across Africa. The book offers a nuanced account of how media ownership structures are in some instances captured with an ever-growing and complex ecosystem that also has new opportunities for public interest media. Offering a significant representation of the trends and diversity of existing media systems, the book goes beyond the postcolonial geographical divisions of North and Sub-Saharan Africa to highlight common patterns and significant similarities and differences of communications ownerships between and within African countries. The contributors expose media and communications ownership patterns in Africa that are centralised and yet decentralising and in some cases, battling, resurging and globalising." (Publisher description)
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"In 2023, Advancing Rights in Southern Africa (ARISA) through its consortium partner, Internews, undertook the most comprehensive review yet of laws affecting media practice and the freedom of expression, including cyber laws, penal codes, constitutions and acts of parliament, in the sixteen Souther
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n African Development Community (SADC) countries. The Information Ecosystem Analysis (IEA) provides an in-depth overview of the legal provisions that have been enacted or are in various stages of becoming laws in the region, and are being used by SADC governments to stifle and limit press freedom and public debate. Each of the sixteen SADC countries are included as individual country chapters in this report, providing country-specific legal analyses of the relevant Cyber security and related laws used by the respective country’s governments to stifle freedom of expression. The approach used by the researchers considered the legislative environment together with literature on the relevant topics, court cases and media reports about the application of specific laws and focused on incidents of where laws were used, dating from 2020 to present. The respective country analyses have been informed by extensive virtual interviews conducted with journalists, civil society representatives and academics in the region. Attention was also given to countries holding elections in 2023 and 2024." (Executive summary)
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"Ce numéro porte un regard critique sur la crise que traverse actuellement la Province du Nord Kivu, et la RDC en général, à cause de la nouvelle guerre imposée au pays par le mouvement rebelle M23. Connaissant une période sécuritaire sombre qui y a motivé l’instauration d’un État de si
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ège, la Province du Nord-Kivu, et plus particulièrement dans les Territoires de Rutshuru et Masisi, est encore objet d’attaques du Mouvement du 23 mars (M23). Dans ces Territoires et dans une moindre mesure celui de Nyiragongo, le son assourdissant et macabre des armes n’arrête pas de sonner dans les oreilles des citoyens contraints à fuir leurs lieux de résidence pour vivre à la merci des intempéries et d’une pénurie humanitaire sans nom dans des camps des déplacés comme refugiés de guerre dans leur propre pays. Il trouble la tranquillité de ces derniers et les assomme, prétendument suite à la non-exécution des accords dits du 23 mars 2009 entre le Gouvernement congolais et le Congrès National pour la Défense du peuple (CNDP)." (Dos de couverture)
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"These are challenging times for practicing journalism safely in Cameroon. Death in pretrial detention is one extreme form of silencing journalists, although arbitrary arrests, intimidation, harassment, and trumped-up charges are also used, not only during turbulence and armed conflicts, but also in
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times of peace. Journalists are victims not only of physical violence but also of psychological and digital attacks and confiscation of travel documents. Furthermore, the danger extends to their sources and family members. Reporting on issues such as politics, leadership decadence, corruption, elections, terrorism, the head of state, and human rights can be a life-threatening and perilous endeavor. Drawing on newsroom observation and interviews with journalists, this chapter argues that Cameroon has failed to provide a protective and enabling environment for journalists to operate. This failure partly accounts for the growing number of attacks and the culture of impunity targeted against the media. Furthermore, the frailties of self-regulation and the prevalence of unethical journalism have accentuated the risks faced by journalists. At a time when hate speech, fake news, and mistrust of the media are growing tremendously, free media is not only essential for national peace, but democracy is also seriously undermined when access to reliable information is restricted." (Abstract)
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"Hidden information, double meanings, double-crossing, and the constant processes of encoding and decoding messages have always been important techniques in negotiating social and political power dynamics. Yet these tools, "cryptopolitics," are transformed when used within digital media. Focusing on
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African societies, Cryptopolitics brings together empirically grounded studies of digital media to consider public culture, sociality, and power in all its forms, illustrating the analytical potential of cryptopolitics to elucidate intimate relationships, political protest, and economic strategies in the digital age." (Publisher description)
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"Press Freedom and the (Crooked) Path Toward Democracy uses the perceptions of journalists in Rwanda, Uganda, and Kenya to examine mediascapes at varying stages of development and democracy-building—Rwanda, which experienced a genocide in 1994, is in relatively early (though fast-paced) stages of
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reconstruction; Uganda, which experienced a civil war in the 1980s and unrest in the 1990s, though arguably not to the extent of Rwanda’s genocide, can be considered in a middle stage of development; and Kenya, which has remained largely peaceful, can be understood as being in a more advanced stage of development. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork and a cross-national survey, this book provides an updated state of press freedom in these three countries and shows how a nation’s political and cultural intricacies complicate traditional media development frameworks and notions of press freedom. Much of the scholarship classifying global media systems has overlooked the world’s most developing nations, and among those that have included developing nations there exists a misguided premise that nations develop in a linear fashion—from non-democracy to democracy, and from a restricted press to a free press. In reality, the ebb and flow of political change, democratization, and backsliding calls for more historically informed views of media systems that do not fit into the confines of existing theories. A detailed set of considerations is put forth for understanding media systems outside the Western world; specifically, that each country’s distance from conflict, political benchmarks, international linkages, and civil society strength are central to understanding its degree of press freedom, development, and democratization." (Publisher description)
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"This study enabled countries in East Africa to produce national statistics on e-waste generated that are harmonized and comparable across countries because the same methods and tools have been used in the assessment. In addition, households and businesses surveys were piloted in Kenya and Burundi t
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o find out more on the possession rates of EEE and disposal routes of the e-waste generated within the countries. E-waste generated was calculated separately, using the e-waste generated tools. The two tools, the E-waste generated Tool on one end and the survey on the other, are complementary and provide useful insights on the e-waste generation and management status in the countries and can be used as a basis for policy making purposes, such as designing e-waste collection and management systems. The households and businesses surveys conducted in Kenya and in Burundi revealed that the higher possession rates in Kenya apply to mobile phones, flat display panel televisions and laptops. While in Burundi the products with the highest possession rates are mobile phones and personal care equipment. This indicates that high numbers of these items can be found in the e-waste stream and will be disposed of by the user. Overall, this study highlights that the amount of e-waste in the region is increasing rapidly while there is a lack of e-waste recycling infrastructure in the region. The rapid increase of e-waste generated represents a challenge where the only available formal e-waste recycling facility is located in Rwanda with an annual capacity of approximately 7 kt." (Conclusion)
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"Forcibly displaced people often face restrictive migration policies and stereotypical discourses. Therefore, this study analyzes UNHCR's public communication strategies towards the Syrian and Central African crises. Through a comparative-synchronic multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) of U
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NHCR's (international) press releases (N = 28), news stories (N = 233), photos (N = 462) and videos (N = 50) of 2015, we examined its main representation and argumentation strategies. First, we found that UNHCR primarily represents forcibly displaced people in its press releases and news as victimized and/or voiceless masses, reproducing humanitarian savior and deservingness logics. However, stories, photos, and videos frequently portray them also as empowered individuals. This can be partially explained by media logics and political and private sector discourses and agenda-building opportunities. Moreover, UNHCR mainly voices pity-based and post-humanitarian Self-oriented solidarity discourses, and links protection to states’ (perceived) interests. Finally, these discursive strategies respond to dominant migration management paradigms and the increasingly neoliberalized, political realist international refugee regime (IRR)." (Abstract)
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"Throughout the twenty-first century, genocide denial has evolved and adapted with new strategies to augment and complement established modes of denial. In addition to outright negation, denial of genocide encompasses a range of techniques, including disputes over numbers, contestation of legal defi
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nitions, blaming the victim, and various modes of intimidation, such as threats of legal action. Arguably the most effective strategy has been denial through the purposeful creation of misinformation. Denial of Genocides in the Twenty-First Century brings together leading scholars from across disciplines to add to the body of genocide scholarship that is challenged by denialist literature. By concentrating on factors such as the role of communications and news media, global and national social networks, the weaponization of information by authoritarian regimes and political parties, court cases in the United States and Europe, freedom of speech, and postmodernist thought, this volume discusses how genocide denial is becoming a fact of daily life in the twenty-first century." (Publisher description)
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