"o artigo aborda a relação entre a Igreja Católica e os meios de comunicação no Brasil, destacando sua evolução desde meados do século XX e revisitando a pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o conceito de “catolicismo midiático”. Coteja-se o conceito de midiatização da religião, a fim de su
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perar uma visão focada apenas nas mídias, levando em conta processos midiático-religiosos mais complexos, como o fenômeno dos influenciadores digitais católicos. Afirma-se que, desde suas origens até hoje, o “catolicismo midiático” revela características distintivas que persistem, desaparecem ou mudam diante das transformações sociotecnológicas e teológico-eclesiais. Conclui-se que, de um catolicismo das massas e das multidões do fim do século XX, passa-se agora a um catolicismo de multi-indivíduos conectados, em meio a um processo contínuo de descatolização do Brasil e de desinstitucionalização da própria Igreja, a partir da publicização e pulverização de catolicismos diversos em redes digitais."(Resumo)
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"This study examines 23 recently enacted or proposed legislative efforts from 2018 through 2024 aimed at providing revenue streams for journalism. We hope it offers a fulsome method for analyzing possible paths forward. There are two main parts of the report: Part One groups this legislation into se
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ven models for financing journalism. The financing models are organized around legal mechanisms that range from an expanded view of copyright to direct support for news by platforms and governments: the digital interaction (“usage”) type [models 1-3]; the subsidy type [models 4-6] and the tax type (model 7). Part Two looks at how this legislation impacts other issues critical to a sustainable news ecosystem that supports functioning, free societies. We first address an implicit yet inconsistently treated concept that emerges from this legislation: appropriate compensation, if any, for various uses of (and interactions with) digital content. This includes the notion of setting legal parameters for proper compensation that goes beyond traditional definitions of copyright. We then look at how these financially-oriented legislations impact issues within other core aspects of journalism." (Pages 2-4)
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"En 2024 celebramos los diez años de la creación de la Red Eclesial Panamazónica (Repam), los cinco años del Documento Final del Sínodo especial de la Amazonía, y los cuatro años de la Exhortación Apostólica Querida Amazonía y de la creación de la Conferencia Eclesial de la Amazonía (Cea
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ma). Este texto recoge diversas voces de esperanza de laicos, religiosas, sacerdotes y obispos que expresan el caminar de la Iglesia sinodal en misión en y desde la Amazonía." (Página 7)
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"Artificial Intelligence (AI) is woven into a supply chain of capital, commodities and human labour that has been neglected in critical debates. Given the current surge in generative AI – which is estimated to drive up the extraction of natural resources such as minerals, fossil fuels or water –
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it is vital to investigate its entire production line from a critical infrastructural perspective. Drawing on the supply chain capitalism, a concept coined by Anna L. Tsing in 2009, this paper contributes to critical AI studies by investigating the structure of AI supply chains, taking into account the mining, electronics, digital and e-waste industry. This paper illustrates how the supply chain capitalism of AI is precipitating geographical asymmetries connected to contested struggles in México by focusing on a key element of these chains: data centres. In times of climate emergency, this paper calls to reconsider algorithmic harms and resistance by investigating the entire capitalist production line of the AI industry from critical and environmental lens." (Abstract)
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"Does the news media exacerbate or reduce misinformation problems? Although some news media deliberately try to counter misinformation, it has been suggested that they might also inadvertently, and sometimes purposefully, amplify it. We conducted a two-wave panel survey in Brazil, India, and the UK
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(N=4732) to investigate the effect of news and digital platform use on awareness of and belief in COVID-19 misinformation over time (January to February 2022). We find little support for the idea that the news exacerbates misinformation problems. News use broadened people’s awareness of false claims but did not increase belief in false claims—in some cases, news use actually weakened false belief acquisition, depending on access mode (online or offline) and outlet type. In line with previous research, we also find that news use strengthens political knowledge gain over time, again depending on outlets used. The effect of digital platforms was inconsistent across countries, and in most cases not significant—though some, like Twitter, were associated with positive outcomes while others were associated with negative outcomes. Overall, our findings challenge the notion that news media, by reporting on false and misleading claims, ultimately leave the public more misinformed, and support the idea that news helps people become more informed and, in some cases, more resilient to misinformation." (Abstract)
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"Attacks on journalists have become a growing concern in democracies around the world. Past scholarship suggests that such attacks could lead to a chilling effect of journalists self-censoring their reporting. However, there is limited empirical work that substantiates the effects of attacks on jour
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nalists. To empirically test the existence of chilling effects, this mixed-methods study uses the conditions of journalism under Jair Bolsonaro’s government in Brazil as an exploratory case study. We investigate how attacks (N = 901) and propaganda messages (N = 518,853) impacted news coverage (N = 20,998) in the first two years of Bolsonaro’s government, based on time series analysis and in-depth interviews with journalists (N = 18). Our results suggest that, despite the increase in government attacks, Brazilian journalists do not exhibit chilling effects; instead, they display what we call catalyzing effects. Our time series results showed that an increase in state propaganda leads to an increase in news coverage. Furthermore, our qualitative data affirms the concept of catalyzing effects. Findings from the interviews suggest that catalyzing effects operate as a form of resilience among journalists. Catalyzing effects do not necessarily manifest as more coverage, but as persistent coverage despite ongoing criticisms and threats (both social and physical). Our findings offer a path forward, highlighting the importance of bringing the discussion about violence and attacks against journalists back to the community of journalists experiencing this hostility. Network support, journalists said, has been crucial, which points to the need for a solidarity infrastructure that supports journalists’ constructive role in society.(Abstract)
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"Many workers worldwide rely on digital platforms for their income. In Venezuela, a nation grappling with extreme inflation and where most of the workforce is self-employed, data production platforms for machine learning have emerged as a viable opportunity for many to earn an income in US dollars.
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Data workers are deeply interconnected within a vast network of entities that act as intermediaries for wage payments in digital currencies. Past research on embeddedness has noted that being intertwined in multi-tiered socioeconomic networks of companies and individuals can offer significant rewards to social participants, while also connoting a particular set of limitations. This paper provides qualitative evidence regarding how this “deep embeddedness” impacts data workers in Venezuela. Given the backdrop of a national crisis and rampant hyperinflation, the perks of receiving wages through financial platforms include accessing more stable currencies and investment outside the national financial system. However, relying on numerous intermediaries often diminishes income due to transaction fees. Moreover, this introduces heightened financial risks, particularly due to the unpredictable nature of cryptocurrencies as an investment. This paper evaluates the effects of the platformization of wages and its effect on working conditions. The over-reliance on external financial platforms erodes worker autonomy through power dynamics that lean in favor of the platforms that set the transaction rules and prices. These findings present a multifaceted perspective on deep embeddedne ss in platform labor, highlighting how the rewards of financial intermediation often come at a substantial cost for the workers in precarious situations." (Abstract)
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"The antivaccine hesitancy movement represents a challenge to public policy and platform regulations. During COVID-19, various Latin American antivaccine groups clashed with official sanitary initiatives. Despite many responses, little progress has been made in reaching these groups to transform the
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ir perceptions about the benefits of the COVID-19 vaccine. During the pandemic in Latin America, the antivaccine network Médicos por la Verdad (Doctors for the Truth) gained prominence in various countries. Finding itself limited by legal and technical restrictions, this network used alternative media such as Telegram to disseminate messages. This study argues that such groups may be considered an antivaccination culture that opposes government measures. This focus emphasizes narrative construction and allows us to understand the phenomenon from the collective meaning-making perspective. This study analyzed 232,638 Telegram messages from 14 public channels associated with the Médicos por la Verdad network. Our findings indicate that this antivaccine network builds an oppositional culture expressed and reinforced through multimodal, trans-media, fragmented narratives and suspends disbelief that constructs a world where the community enacts a truth pact. These narrative methods foster building a resilient network of oppositional cultures, decreasing the effectiveness of policies. We conclude that research beyond the framework of misinformation and the analysis of conventional platforms is needed to understand the antivaccine oppositional cultures." (Abstract)
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"Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) such as Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube wield substantial influence over digital information flows using sophisticated algorithmic recommender systems (RS). As these systems curate personalized content, concerns have emerged about their propensity to amplify polar
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izing or inappropriate content, spread misinformation, and infringe on users’ privacy. To address these concerns, the European Union (EU) has recently introduced a new regulatory framework through the Digital Services Act (DSA). These proposed policies are designed to bolster user agency by offering contestability mechanisms against personalized RS. As their effectiveness ultimately requires individual users to take specific actions, this empirical study investigates users’ intention to contest personalized RS. The results of a pre-registered survey across six countries – Brazil, Germany, Japan, South Korea, the UK, and the USA –involving 6,217 respondents yield key insights: (1) Approximately 20% of users would opt out of using personalized RS, (2) the intention for algorithmic contestation is associated with individual characteristics such as users’ attitudes towards and awareness of personalized RS as well as their privacy concerns, (3) German respondents are particularly inclined to contest personalized RS. We conclude that amending Art. 38 of the DSA may contribute to leveraging its effectiveness in fostering accessible user contestation and algorithmic transparency." (Abstract)
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"98% ven televisión, 98% usan internet, 62% esuchan radio. 97 usan YouTube, 78% Whatsapp, 72% TikTok. 89% afirman que en el colegio les enseñaron sobre los medios de comunicación." (Página 1)
"A nivel de ciudades, las mayores diferencias se observan en la tenencia de cable e internet. En el primer caso se destacan Lima/Callao, Chimbote, Huaraz, Iquitos y Tarapoto, con porcentajes superiores a la media nacional (65%). En el segundo caso, se destacan por encima de la media nacional (81%) L
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ima/Callao, Arequipa, Chimbote, Huancayo, Ica y Tacna. Con respecto al uso de equipos y medios, los más extendidos a nivel general son internet y la televisión. Es significativo que el uso de internet haya igualado al de la televisión, que incluso es probable pueda ser mayor en el futuro. Por otro lado, el uso de la radio muestra una clara tendencia decreciente (95% en 2016, 81% en 2018 y 62% en la presente medición). Por segmentos no se observan diferencias muy significativas. Las plataformas y redes sociales más usadas por los NNA son Youtube, WhatsApp y Tik Tok, en mayor grado entre los adolescentes respecto a los NN, salvo en el caso de Youtube y la televisión por internet, en los que ambos grupos obtienen porcentajes similares de uso. El uso de Facebook registra una significativa tendencia decreciente respecto a estudios anteriores (86% en 2016, 75% en 2018 y 58% en la presente medición). Cabe comentar que este medio es más utilizado en el ámbito rural respecto a los demás segmentos evaluados, con 76%." (Conclusiones generales, página 109)
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"This handbook critically analyzes cross-border news production and "transnational journalism cultures" in the evolving field of cross-border journalism. As the era of the internet hasfurther expanded the border-transcending production, dissemination and reception of news, and with transnational co-
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operations like the European Broadcasting Union and BBC World News demonstrating different kinds of cross-border journalism, the handbook considers the field with a range of international contributions. It explores cross-border journalism from conceptual and empirical angles and includes perspectives on the the systemic contexts of cross-border journalism, its structures and routines, changes in production processes, and the shifting roles of actors in digital environments. It examines cross-border journalism across regions and concludes with discussions on the future of cross-border journalism, including the influence of automation, algorithmisation, virtual reality and AI." (Publisher description)
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"News media continue to play a central role in promoting public debate and the visibility of populist messages. This study discusses how Brazilian television journalism reacted to the populism of Jair Bolsonaro during the COVID-19 crisis. We adopted a content analysis and a framing analysis to ident
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ify the main themes and frames in reports at the beginning of the crisis by the country’s 2main television news programs. The corpus consists of 26 editions of Jornal Nacional (JN) and 26 editions of Jornal da Record (JR). Our hypothesis is that these news programs had significantly different interpretations of the Bolsonaro government’s actions. The data show that JN voiced its opposition to the president, while JR assumed the role of the government’s official voice, creating mechanisms to normalize populism. These results have important implications for understanding how the political positions adopted by traditional media affect how populism is promoted in the public sphere." (Abstract)
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"In recent years, the economic exchanges between China and Latin American countries have been further deepened, and news about Chinese foreign direct investments (FDIs) in the region responds to economic reality and the different stages of changing international relations and media characteristics.
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The current study includes a content analysis by human coders of 308 news articles on Chinese FDIs in three types of Peruvian news outlets from 2001 to 2020, namely the Left-leaning newspaper (La República), the Right-leaning newspaper (El Comercio), and specialized economic news outlets (Gestión Online and Semana Económica). In this context, it explores how international economic news volume is related to real-world economic indexes and how news interpretations of Chinese FDIs, as manifested by news frames, are influenced by contextual and political factors." (Abstract)
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"This article investigates harmful political content in public WhatsApp and Facebook groups of the radical Right in Brazil. Considering harmful political content as that which generates direct damage to the quality, reasonableness, and plurality of public discussion, we investigate the enunciative a
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spects of four specific types of discursive action (uncivil, conspiratorial, hateful, and dangerous) and the non-enunciative aspects used for harmful types of communication and interaction. The database consists of 3,503,540 messages propagated in 1,676 public groups during the electoral process. Through a quantitative approach to a sample of 2,201 unique messages, we found, among other things, that (1) harmful content was more present on Facebook than on WhatsApp; (2) messages about the elections were associated with uncivil speech; (3) uncivil speech was usually associated with dangerous speech and opposed to conspiratorial speech. The results allow for more nuanced reflections on the actions and strategy of the Far Right in the digital public debate." (Abstract)
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