"Cultural diplomacy has been one component of China’s foreign policy since its very foundation. However, it is only in recent decades that culture has been wielded as a tool to serve high-reaching goals commensurate with China’s rising superpower status and its capacity to contend for global heg
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emony. This study examines China’s recent efforts to enhance cultural exchanges in multilateral and regional platforms. The primary aim is to analyse the rationale, motivations, main initiatives and strategies underpinning China’s cultural diplomacy based on a conceptual framework centred on the notions of cultural diplomacy and hegemonic transition. The author begins by presenting the guiding conceptual framework and providing an overview of China’s overall cultural diplomacy approach over the last two decades. The analysis then delves into China’s engagement in well-established and new multilateral platforms such as UNESCO, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the BRICS group, and regional forums established between China and developing regions. Shifting the focus to Latin America, the research investigates the China-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Forum (CCF) as a platform for cultural exchanges and an instrument of China’s cultural diplomacy, and systematizes its cultural initiatives, prioritized areas, key actors involved, and strategies." (Back cover)
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"Covid Conspiracy Theories in Global Perspective examines how conspiracy theories and related forms of misinformation and disinformation about the Covid-19 pandemic have circulated widely around the world. Covid conspiracy theories have attracted considerable attention from researchers, journalists,
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and politicians, not least because conspiracy beliefs have the potential to negatively affect adherence to public health measures. While most of this focus has been on the United States and Western Europe, this collection provides a unique global perspective on the emergence and development of conspiracy theories through a series of case studies. The chapters have been commissioned by recognized experts on area studies and conspiracy theories. The chapters present case studies on how Covid conspiracism has played out (some focused on a single country, others on regions), using a range of methods from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, including history, politics, sociology, anthropology, and psychology. Collectively, the authors reveal that, although there are many narratives that have spread virally, they have been adapted for different uses and take on different meanings in local contexts." (Publisher description)
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"This paper explores China’s increasing media engagement with Latin American partners. It examines the case of Mundo China (MC), a China-news segment broadcast by the Brazilian news channel BandNews TV and co-produced in partnership with CCTV. By conducting content analysis, we assess how China is
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presented, contrast the framing of China before and since the partnership agreement, and compare the televised image of China between BandNews TV and other news channels in Brazil. The findings show that MC has assisted in diversifying and balancing the ratio of positive frames in relation to the overall China-related reporting across the broadcasters sampled." (Abstract)
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"Through policy analysis and close reading of two films, this article reveals films’ increasing role in China’s geopolitical plan, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The co-production film Xuanzang shows that the Silk Road past is used to illustrate BRI’s pledge for a beneficial future. Even
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though Xuanzang’s story alludes to history, itwas selected for its significance in popular culture, thereby reflecting ‘hyperreality’. In any event, the Silk Road is insufficient for connecting a region characterized by complex histories and societies. As shown in The Composer, the Silk Road is a convenient metaphor used to portray any friendly history." (Abstract
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"By the summer of 2020, when the coronavirus had fully entered our everyday vocabulary and our lives, religious communities and places of worship around the world were already undergoing profound changes. In Asian and Asian diaspora communities, diverse cultural tropes, beliefs, and artifacts were m
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obilized to make sense of Covid, including a repertoire of gods and demons like Coronasur, the virus depicted with the horns and fangs of a traditional Hindu demon. Various kinds of knowledge were invoked: theologies, indigenous medicines, and biomedical narratives, as well as ethical values and nationalist sentiments. CoronAsur: Asian Religions in the Covidian Age follows the documentation and analysis of the abrupt societal shifts triggered by the pandemic to understand current and future pandemic times, while revealing further avenues for research on religion that have opened up in the Covidian age. Developed in tandem with the research blog CoronAsur: Religion and COVID-19, this volume is a “phygital” publication, a work grounded in empirical roots as well as digitally born communication. It comprises thirty-eight essays that examine Asian religious communities—Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, Daoist, and Christian as well as popular/folk and new religious movements, or NRMs—in terms of the changes brought on by and the ritual responses to the Covid pandemic." (Publisher description)
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"This book explores how television in the global South is 'future-proofing' its continued relevance, addressing its commercial, social and political viability in a constantly changing information ecosystem. The chapter contributions in the book are drawn from countries in East, South and West Africa
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, the Middle East and Latin America, specially selected for their illustrative potential of the key issues addressed in the book. Scholarly attention on television in the global South has largely been limited to studying evolving television formats with broader structural issues covered almost entirely by industry reports. Major gaps remain in terms of understanding how television in the global South is changing within the context of the significant technological developments and what this means for television's future(s). The chapters reflect on these futures, not in the sense of predicting what these might be, but rather anticipating important areas of intellection. The contributors contend that much of the scholarship on the global South, by scholars from the South, is often stilted by a reluctance to anticipate. This failure leads to a largely reactionary scholarship, constantly oppositional, and unable to recentre conversations on the South. This volume finds intellectual incentive in this urgent need to anticipate, hence its particular focus on television futures." (Publisher description)
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"This paper examines the influence of international political actors in perpetuating disinformation in fragile states, using Iraq as a case study. The advent of modern technology and social media has transformed the global information landscape, providing new avenues for the dissemination of disinfo
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rmation. This study delves into the history of disinformation in Iraq, particularly during and after the fall of the Baathist regime, and investigates how national and international actors utilise disinformation as a political tool. Through three case studies, the overlapping interests of regional, international, and local actors are explored, focusing on their use of social and legacy media platforms to execute influence operations targeting the Iraqi public. The first case study examines the Iranian-aligned Iraqi Radio and Television Union and their deployment of disinformation narratives during the 2021 national election. The second case study investigates unofficial Iranian-aligned Telegram media outlets and their promotion of the Russian narrative in the Russia-Ukraine War. The final case study analyses Pro-China and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Facebook influencers in Iraq and their engagement in coordinated inauthentic behavior. By connecting the interactions of these actors, this paper reveals a complex web of disinformation in the Iraqi digital information ecosystem, emphasising the role played by national and international actors in perpetuating it. The findings contribute to a better understanding of disinformation dynamics, enabling more effective strategies to combat disinformation and foster informed and democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"Over the past few years, India has taken decisive steps to reduce its dependence on Chinese technology and investments. This was triggered by border skirmishes with China in 2020, but built on longstanding national security concerns about China, given the history of conflict between the two countri
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es. India has banned hundreds of Chinese apps like TikTok and UC Browser, restricted Chinese investments in Indian companies, and mandated that telecom infrastructure be from “trusted sources”, and tried to reduce the import of products from China. These actions have come along with active support and development of regulations in favour of domestic companies and innovation, a push for manufacturing in India, and global alliances to ensure that China doesn’t dominate emerging technologies. Not all of these moves have been successful: it hasn’t been able to address its trade gap with China, Chinese technology is still implemented in Indian telecom networks, and Indian alternatives to Chinese applications haven’t successfully replaced TikTok. India has, however, been opportunistic, and demonstrated agility in leveraging geopolitical developments to further its goals: there is a clear sense of direction in its approach. Its actions underscore striking a balance between economic gains and strategic interests. Thus far, the anti-China measures instituted by the Indian government haven’t gravely harmed India. They have benefitted a few Indian companies, and American companies even more so. The impact on trade has been minimal so far. It is, however, probably still too early to understand the full impact of these policies as the efforts are part of a long-term approach, but an approach that so far looks promising." (Executive summary)
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"This article examines China–US competition for narratives by analyzing whether and how Chinese and American diplomats engage each other in routine diplomatic outreach to African audiences on Twitter. Drawing on case studies of Kenya and South Africa, our study uncovers “asymmetrical discursive
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competition”—Chinese diplomatic accounts selectively launch discursive attacks (both defensive and offensive) on the United States, while the US diplomatic accounts tend to ignore China. We further find that in invoking the United States, Chinese diplomats largely bypass Africa and African issues, and instead, focus on contesting larger claims about China’s legitimacy." (Abstract)
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"Democracies must say no to the technologies, platforms, standards, and frameworks shrewdly proposed by China in various international fora and technical or standards bodies in order to make our Internet more like the one in China. Internet governance must be kept open and participatory for all stak
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eholders, not just governments. Research into and the development of privacy-preserving and anti-censorship technologies must be supported. A vision for a free and open global Internet must be integrated into future foreign policy formulation, not only because it should be, but also because China has already begun to integrate its own contrary vision." (Executive summary)
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"This article cross-pollinates environmental media studies with socialist China’s anti-snail fever campaign media, including two 1965 science education films, a 1961 song book, all entitled ‘Song wensheng’ (‘Sending away god of plague’), and a 1970 'Chijiao yisheng shouce' (‘The handbook
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for barefoot doctors’). Through studying popular audio-visual and print media produced to support the socialist state-sponsored campaign against snail fever – the longest anti-zoonotic campaign in China – I adopt a cross-media approach to campaign media. Unpacking the environmental unconscious in campaign media, I advance the concept of compost media to intervene in environmental media studies by going beyond critiquing the Capitaloscene, and revealing socialist campaign media as quintessential to environmental media." (Abstract)
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"This study aims to examine the impact of Internet development on the urban-rural income gap in China. By using a provincial level panel dataset comprising 31 of China’s provinces, it analyzes and compares the effects of the eastern, central, and western regions over the period of 2005–2016. The
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results show that Internet development aggravates the gap in the central region much more than that in the eastern and western regions. The trade openness expands the urban-rural income gap only in the eastern region. Urbanization reduces the urban-rural income gap in the western region more than that in the eastern and central regions. Additionally, the regional economic development level also reduces the urban-rural income gap in central region more than that in the eastern region. FDI reduces the urban-rural income gap only in the central region. Additionally, while the urban-rural income gap can widen further by Internet development with trade openness, it can be decreased if Internet development is combined with FDI and urbanization. To reduce urban-rural income gap, the government should accelerate the construction of Internet according to regional differences." (Abstract)
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"This book examines the nexus of East Asian media, culture, and digital technologies in the early 21st century from a Global South perspective. Providing an empirically rich analysis of the emergence of Asian culture, histories, texts, and state policies as they relate to both Asian media and global
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media, the author discusses relevant theoretical frameworks as East Asian popular culture and media have shifted the contours of globalization. After overviewing Western media/cultural theories and histories, the book explores the ways in which East Asia-focused analytical frameworks are able to shift people’s understanding of globalization and media, drawing upon examples from different East Asian countries to illustrate how current cultural flows have influenced and have been influenced by a handful of dimensions." (Publisher description)
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"This paper examines the recent shifts and debates in the organization of the television landscape following the implementation of digital migration in Zambia. It ponders Zambia’s experience in the digital migration exercise, playing particular attention to the country’s interaction with the Chi
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nese company, StarTimes. It discusses the implications of this interaction on ownership and control in the new digitalized television landscape, highlighting the political economic implications on the broadcast sector. The paper also highlights various debates relating to local broadcasting policy in a digitalized environment and offers a timely contribution to the growing academic interest in Chinese involvement and interactions with African media." (Abstract)
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"Chinese idol fans have been identified among the main forces in cyber nationalist activisms in recent years, acting as the nationalist fans protecting the state as an idol in response to external political shocks. Their skills in acknowledging, involving, and even reinventing the image of the state
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and national pride in cyber nationalist activisms do not emerge in a vacuum. This article examines how idol fans involve and reinvent the nationalist discourse in their everyday fan activities – idol promotion. We focus on the pandemic in 2020 as it provides a specific social and political context that allows us to understand better the interaction between idol fans and the state in their mundane fan activities. We construct our analysis under the computational grounded theory framework with over 6 million fan posts collected from Weibo and 11 in-depth interviews with active idol fans. Our findings show that when engaging in pandemic-related discussion, idol fans actively borrowed official discourse on nationalism and strategically responded to key political and social events in their idol promotion activities. The idol images they built are not only positive but also nationalist. Therefore, they play not only the commercial logic commonly seen in the Japanese and Korean K-pop/idol culture but also the political logic propagated by the state in China." (Abstract)
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