"The book offers a critical map to navigate the field of media governance. A thread of cosmopolitan critique connects the fourteen chapters to enhance media governance literature beyond the West and regional foci. The first part addresses the epistemological and ontological flaws in the use and adap
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tation of media governance. The second part opens pathways for critique and provides a thorough understanding of the ambivalences that scholars encounter when addressing media governance as a field of study. The third part highlights shortcomings like geographical narrowness and tensions in the use of media governance concepts. The scholarly contributions show that media governance as a field of study is far from being established: its conceptualizations are in flux and need scholarly self-reflection, and ongoing discussions need to leave behind universalist conceptualizations and methods of analysis. The chapters reflect on hegemony, power, sovereignty, and identity as conceptual center points in media governance research. The book uniquely breaks with self-referential Western academia and is part of ongoing collaborative scholarly efforts towards epistemic transformation through dialogue." (Publisher description)
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"The Global Handbook of Media Accountability brings together leading scholars to 'de-Westernize' the academic debate on media accountability and discuss different models of media self-regulation and newsroom transparency around the globe. With examination of the status quo of media accountability in
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forty-four countries worldwide, it offers a theoretically informed, comparative analysis of accountability regimes of different varieties. As such, it constitutes the first interdisciplinary academic framework comparing structures of media accountability across all continents and represents an invaluable basis for further research and policy-making. It will therefore appeal to scholars and students of media studies and journalism, mass communication, sociology and political science, as well as policy-makers and practitioners." (Publisher description)
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"Die iz3w erscheint in einem Land mit einer »guten Situation« für Presseerzeugnisse (globaler Index der Reporter ohne Grenzen). In vielen Ländern ist die Lage infolge von Repressionen »sehr ernst«, zum Beispiel in China, in Iran oder Sudan. Auch in Ländern zwischen diesen Extremen kann freier
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Journalismus lebensgefährlich sein, etwa in Mexiko. Dabei sind die Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit Grundvoraussetzungen für Gesellschaften, die aufgeklärte Zustände und Partizipation an politischen Entscheidungen anstreben. Es geht um demokratische, freiheitliche und soziale Regeln, die einerseits im Bewusstsein, andererseits als verbindliche Rechte verankert sind. Wir lassen Personen zu Wort kommen, die sich für diese Ziele einsetzen, und fragen uns: Wie sehen die Produktionsbedingungen für die Berichterstattung weltweit aus? Wozu braucht es freie Medien? Wo fängt die Repression an und auf welche Weise wirken sich neue Medien auf die Berichterstattung aus?" (https://www.iz3w.org/printausgaben/heft-365)
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"Wie verändert sich Journalismus in autoritären Regimen angesichts technischer, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Entwicklungen? Inwieweit können Medienakteure Wandel anstoßen? Mit welchen Mitteln versucht das Regime, steuernd einzugreifen? Judith
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Pies beantwortet diese Fragen anhand einer detaillierten Beobachtung des Journalismus in Jordanien. Sie beschreibt die Entwicklung professioneller Normen von 1989 bis 2007, analysiert die dahinter stehenden Akteure und bewertet ihre Relevanz für die journalistische Arbeit." (Klappentext)
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"Im Fokus des ersten Teils stehen transnationale Phänomene wie die Bedeutung des Satellitenfernsehens und der Sozialen Medien sowie die Rolle von Minderheiten, Gender und Islamisten in den Medien. Diese Beiträge geben den aktuellen Stand der Forschung wieder und reflektieren diesen. Im zweiten Tei
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l des Buches werden in 18 Länderstudien – von Marokko bis zum Irak – die nationalen Besonderheiten der Medien betrachtet, die aus unterschiedlichen politischen Systemen, rechtlichen Beschränkungen, ökonomischen Voraussetzungen und der jeweiligen Soziodemographie resultieren." (Klappentext)
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"Media Accountability in Syria is more a question of re-defining the role of media in society than working on transparency practices or establishing self-regulation. This is due to strong state control and the mobilisation role mass media has been playing in Syria for decades. Before opening its med
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ia market for private publications in 2001 Syrian media was controlled either by the state or the ruling Baath party. Media accountability institutions like press councils or ombudspersons were simply not necessary in this concept of media and therefore do not exist. The only professional organisation, the Syrian Journalists Syndicate, did not act as a representative of independent journalists but as a representative of the regime. Additionally, as all journalists and media outlets had to work for more or less the same purpose, norms for guiding individual or organisational decisions – such as a code of ethics – were superfluous.
Although these conditions still persist in major parts of the media field, news websites have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field.
In addition, news websites have added new topics to the traditional news agenda by taking the audience into account, and thus have contributed to holding the media accountable for aspects the old media does not cover. Thus, at least in some cases, media has played the role of being a watchdog over political decisions, which role media has never previously adopted. have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field." (Summary)
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"Lebanon’s media has been envied for its press freedom and high quality by many Arabs from the region for decades. After 15 years of civil war the media had quickly started to flourish again. Yet, internal and external observers have been concerned about the close links between the media and polit
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ical and religious groups that have led to highly politicized journalism. There is no professional organisation that could unify journalists from the various fractions and set in force binding rules like a code of ethics. A media council does not exist, journalists unions are not involved in media accountability practices and a state’s ombudsman has never been instituted. Yet, internal accountability practices are relatively well developed. As political affiliation of media outlets is openly handled (e.g. staff is mainly recruited from each media’s particular political group, party emblems are published prominently, mission statements and ownership information are partly available), Lebanese normally know how to interpret the news. Accountability practices that were already in evidence in offline media have been adopted by the majority of websites, such as by-lines, precise references in stories and letters-to-the-editor." (Abstract)
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"Holding the news media accountable has traditionally been a task of the state in Jordan. Media laws and regulations are numerous and do not leave too much space for self-regulatory practices on a national basis. The Jordan Press Association (JPA) is the core of so-called established media accountab
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ility institutions. It conducted a law-like code of ethics in 2003 and runs ombuds committees (currently three) dealing with mishaps of the media to prevent journalists from legal liability. Though being a professional body, many journalists perceive the JPA as an extended arm of the government. Until 2010 the association was not prepared to deal with private broadcasting and online journalists in the same way as it does with press and state owned media journalists. Most media outlets in Jordan are characterised by a lack of accountability awareness and practices especially when it comes to actor and production transparency. Only recently have some news organisations (mainly net-native) become aware of their duty to be accountable towards their audiences. New comers to the field of online news, in particular, have experimented with citizens’ involvement and have established a high level of responsiveness in their newsrooms." (Summary)
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"Media scholars and students, professionals and policy-makers alike will be introduced to the specific problems and perspectives of media accountability in different media systems and journalistic cultures. The status quo of media criticism online across Europe will be a key issue and provide insigh
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ts into the innovative potential of media accountability in the digital age. Looked at from a comparative point of view, the reports hint at the formation of different cultures of media accountability within Europe and its adjacent countries. These media accountability cultures partly overlap with the journalism cultures identified in the well-known model by Hallin & Mancini who differentiate between North Atlantic or Liberal, Mediterranean or Polarised Pluralist, and Northern European or Democratic Corporatist media systems. At the same time, the development of media accountability and transparency shows distinctive features incongruent with established models of journalism cultures." (Back cover)
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"Ziel der hier vorgelegten Studie ist es, analog der Vorgaben des PriME-Handbuchs 2008 von InWEnt, gemäß der Kriterien für Evaluation von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit nach OECD-DAC, unter Rückgriff auf angelsächsische Modelle für PM+E im Bereich der Medienentwicklungszusammenarbeit sowie unter R
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ückgriff auf die kommunikationswissenschaftliche Literatur ein Konzept für künftige systematische Evaluierungen der mittelfristigen Wirkungen des IIJ-Programms zu entwickeln, das über die Evaluierung unmittelbar nach Ende der Weiterbildungsmaßnahme hinausgeht. Mit Blick auf die bereits vom IIJ formulierten Programmziele zu prüfen ist der Erfolg von Capacity-Building-Maßnahmen auf Ebene der individuellen Akteure (Journalisten), auf Ebene von Organisationen (Redaktionen) sowie auf Systemebene. Hierzu wird eine Methodenkombination (Triangulation) empfohlen, die aufeinander aufbauend sowohl mit quantitativen als auch mit qualitativen Methoden arbeitet und außer der Ebene der Akteure (Journalisten) insbesondere die Ebene der Organisationen (Redaktionen) einbezieht. Um einen ökonomischen Umgang mit Ressourcen sicherzustellen, wird grundsätzlich empfohlen, mit Online-Befragungen zu arbeiten und ergänzend Telefon-Befragungen sowie fallweise vor Ort Face-to-Face-Interviews durchzuführen. Im Rahmen der Studie werden folgende PM+E-Tools für das IIJ entwickelt: Fragebogen für die Online-Befragung der Alumni (quantitativ), Fragebogen für die ergänzende Online-Befragung von Referenzpersonen der Alumni (quantitativ), Leitfaden für telefonische Interviews mit Alumni/Experten in den Zielländern (qualitativ), Leitfaden für Face-to-Face-Interviews mit lokalen Partnern (qualitativ). Der Fragebogen für die Online-Befragung als zentrales PM+E-Tool wurde erfolgreich einem Pre-Test unterzogen. Die Studie schließt mit einem Analyseraster für die Auswertung von im Rahmen von PM+E-Maßnahmen gewonnenen Daten, um gemäß der PriME-Qualitätsschleife institutionelles Lernen zu ermöglichen." (Zusammenfassung, Seite 6)
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"Arab Media: Power and Weakness is comprised of research synopses (comprehensive overviews over the current academic literature and “blind spots” of research in one of the above mentioned fields); original empirical research; and theoretical papers. The result is a comprehensive handbook of up-t
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o date research and scholarship on this important and fast-changing subject, which will be of use to all students and researchers of the contemporary Arab world." (Publisher description)
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