"Combining an innovative mix of traditional chapters, autoethnography, case studies, and dialogue within an intercultural framework, the handbook focuses on the future of media education and provides a deeper understanding of the challenges and affordances of media education as we move forward. Topi
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cs range from fighting disinformation, how vulnerable communities coped with disadvantages using media, transforming educational TV or YouTube to reach larger audiences, supporting students’ wellbeing through various online strategies, examining early childhood, parents, and media mentoring using digital tools, reflecting on educators’ intersectionality on video platforms, youth-produced media to fight injustice, teaching remotely and providing low-tech solutions to address the digital divide, search for solutions collaboratively using social media, and many more." (Publisher description)
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"Chapo Guzmán was the leader of the Sinaloa Cartel. Although he was a well-known criminal, there is a scarcity of first-hand information about his career. This situation raises a question: how did Guzmán become a public figure without having public exposure? This communicative phenomenon is possib
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le because drug cartels have sophisticated propaganda techniques that allow them to challenge the state not only in the military realm but also in the cultural realm. Among other media, these criminal organizations use narcocorridos, a popular music genre, as a medium for propaganda. This article studies, through a narrative analysis of 66 lyrics, how music, as a form of political communication, is used as propaganda. This study found three main narratives in the narcocorridos dedicated to Guzmán: (i) the origins of this drug dealer; (ii) the masculine features that led him to be a global kingpin; and (iii) his genius for corrupting political systems. These lyrics are propaganda because: (a) they spread knowledge in the form of stories about Guzmán; (b) they create a mythology about the kingpin and the narco-world; and (c) they distort reality by picturing Guzmán as a great man and blur reality by suppressing any reference to the drug wars." (Abstract)
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"Despite the positive impact of the constitutional reform of 2013 and other previous or related regulations, media policy in Mexico is still faced with numerous challenges. Many objectives of the 2013 reform, in fact, could not be achieved because of a series of secondary laws that have been adopted
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in the meantime. Controversial cases remain unresolved. The Mexican media system thus remains one of the most concentrated in the world. Therefore, more comprehensive economic competition measures and policies are needed (for instance, asymmetric policies by service and not by sector). On the other hand, as the goals of the governments in the media have not been achieved, the digital divide remains wide, which means that vast swathes of the Mexican population do not fully enjoy the benefits of digitization. Part of the reason is that post-reform investments were below expectations, at much lower levels than in other countries (except for a recent investment in a 5G network). Public media remain financially vulnerable as authorities have discretionary power in approving their budget and exert significant influence in their editorial coverage. Moreover, public media remain reluctant to be held accountable." (Conclusion)
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