"El presente artículo ofrece los principales resultados de una investigación orientada a conocer y analizar la actuación de dos emisoras educativas y comunitarias: Radio Cutivalú de Piura y Radio Marañón de Jaén, en el contexto del conflicto socioambiental generado por el proyecto minero Río
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Blanco (2005-2007) ubicado en una zona de cabecera de cuenca, en el nororiente peruano, cuyo ámbito de influencia abarca las provincias de Huancabamba y Ayabaca, en la región Piura, y de San Ignacio, en la región Cajamarca. El estudio pone énfasis en el tipo de involucramiento y en los roles configurados por ambas emisoras en la dinámica del conflicto social. No se centra en los relatos periodísticos construidos por las dos radioemisoras, es decir en un análisis de los discursos radiofónicos, sino más bien en los enfoques políticos y en los roles desempeñados como medios de comunicación y actores de sociedad civil en la dinámica y diferentes etapas del conflicto." (Resumen)
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"By getting connected with each other again, social media users seem to have more incentive to vote because approval by friends becomes an integral part of benefits from voting. In South Korea this phenomenon came at the dusk of the 1987 regime, which is a conservative representation system where yo
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unger, less wealthy, and progressive voters are under-represented and, thus, have little incentive to vote. Voter turnout going up again because of social media after twenty five years of going down has reversed a series of election outcomes since 2010. We pay special attention to Twitter which has played most of the political role for the past two years. The election law, last amended when there was no such thing as social media, failed to catch up with the political realities. Is democracy after Twitter going to be qualitatively different from the 1987 regime (i.e., democracy after democratization)? The reason to believe in the affirmative is that it solves at least partially the political representation problem inherent in the old system. The reason to remain pessimistic is that the offline party organizations, even democratic ones, tend to move in their vested interest rather than incorporating the new political energy accumulated in the social networks." (Abstract)
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"We investigate the extent to which new media impacts upon political processes in Indonesia and the factors that affect it. Reflecting on the Indonesian political systems and structure, and detailing some empirical case studies on new media use, we argue that most uses of social media, including tho
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se aimed at influencing political processes, are ad hoc. There is an imminent need for strategising the use of new media in civil society in order to enable them address societal changes at large in a more sustained, engaged civic activism." (Abstract)
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"Im Rahmen seiner Darstellung der Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in China beschreibt der Autor in einem Unterkapitel (Seite 180-193)
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die Medienzusammenarbeit der FES in China zwischen 1980 und 1990." (commbox)
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"In September 2011 FES initiated the Balkan Media Barometer (BMB) with Bosnia and Herzegovina serving as a pilot project for South East Europe and the rest of the continent. A panel of experts from BiH discussed and scored a list of 44 indicators b
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ased on standards referenced to European documents, most of them drawn up by the Council of Europe. This approach of working on the basis of home-grown principles is meant to give the assessments greater relevance and to allow civil society groups and media activists in the various countries to evaluate and measure up their findings directly against declarations and documents adopted and accepted by their own governments." (Introduction)
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