"Advocates of Internet freedom need to develop more responses to cybercrime and online ethics to make sure that real concerns are not exploited by repressive governments to impose Internet controls and other measures, which violate the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of information. An i
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mproved multi-stakeholder system of Internet governance, increased transnational cooperation and increased investment in Internet safety technology is needed to combat rising levels of cybercrime. Principles of self-regulation can and should be increasingly extended to online media and online communication to fight ethical lapses in Internet content. While the nature of the Internet can compound some of the ethical problems encountered it simultaneously displays features which can help to make self-regulation work." (Page 1)
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"To be successful and sustainable, community broadcasters need all or at least some of the following: a favourable regulatory framework; comprehensive and meaningful participation mechanisms for the communities they serve; effective management and governance structures. From 18-19 March 2013 communi
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ty broadcasters in Namibia and members of their communities discussed aspects of community participation, governance and station management. The meeting was jointly organised by the media project of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), fesmedia Africa, the Deutsche Welle Akademie and UNESCO. The following is a compilation of the key issues identified in group work and in the input by resource people from South Africa and Kenya." (Introduction)
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"Si hay algo que caracteriza a Cristóbal Coronel, y que podría decirse es casi su esencia, es sin duda su incesante y marcada pasión por la radio. Ondas que provocan. Radio Illimani, los Estados y el nacionalismo forma parte de esa envidiable y particular obsesión por lo radiofónico que tiene a
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trapado a este investigador. El relato provocativo que con este texto logra construir, para llevarnos por esa línea de tiempo cercano al siglo de existencia de la radiodifusión en Bolivia y en particular de la Radio Illimani, atraviesa una espesa red de acontecimientos políticos, económicos, sociales, culturales, tecnológicos y desde luego comunicacionales. Más allá del análisis histórico, Coronel deja imaginar tiempos, instantes, situaciones en los que se fue haciendo el medio sonoro estatal. El texto se constituye, no cabe duda, en una referencia obligatoria para quienes deseen conocer la trama del surgimiento de las tecnologías mediáticas y los entornos que se modifican con su llegada. Pero específicamente el contexto de la radio (estatal) en Bolivia." (Prólogo)
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"This study carried out between May and June 2013, seeks to establish levels of transparency in public institution in Southern Africa. The study in currently in its fourth year, and findings highlight the difficulties faced by Southern African when trying to seek, access and receive information from
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public bodies. The research, conducted by seven different MISA chapters in the region, again revealed the lack of openness, transparency and accessibility on the part of public institutions, as well as their reluctance to disclose information proactively or respond to specific requests for public information,although there has been a significant improvement with respect to the use of information communication technologies (ICTs) across the region." (Fesmedia website)
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"Out of the twelve countries surveyed, only four have specific access to information laws. These countries are: Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda, Zimbabwe. However, a significant indication of the shifting tide on the continent is that six of the countries surveyed have some form of specific access to
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information in a Bill or parliamentary process. These countries are: Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Malawi, Senegal, Tanzania, Zambia." (Page 5)
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"The Philippines is a palimpsest where traditional, modern and postmodern influences manifest themselves contemporaneously. Its politics is traditional, its culture modern and its media postmodern. Understanding the role of new technologies, such as digital media, under these circumstances requires
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an appreciation of incommensurable factors that are nevertheless intercalated. The surface of Philippine politics appears imperturbable but underneath it, notions of the political are being reformulated as a consequence of the new media and its globalizing influence." (Abstract)
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"The rise of new media in Thailand has occurred during one of the toughest periods in Thailand’s recent political history. A political crisis since 2005 has created an increasingly divided society. Whilst Thailand’s press freedom was previously considered “free,” existing political challenge
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s are immense and challenge directly Thailand’s taboo topic - the monarchy. The state controlled and anti-competitive nature of Thailand’s traditional media has meant a siding with the status quo. State censorship and even self-censorship in the media is common. New media seems to be the only way people can discuss freely their political beliefs. Or is that really so? This report is an investigation into the political usage of new media in Thailand from varying viewpoints of politicians, activists and Thai internet users." (Abstract)
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"Even though the Albanian media is relatively young, it went through a dynamic and fast development. Unlike other countries in the region, the change of the political system in 1991 not only led to the end of media monopolization by the government, but also to the disappearance of nearly all existin
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g media and the emergence of a range of new ones. Since 1991, the media landscape in Albania has been under a constant evolution, in most of its components. What is the current media situation in Albania? Have all the developments been positive for it since 1991? This study seeks to answer these questions through the examination of several criteria and the circumstances that affect the development of independent media. Thus, some of the considered factors turn out to be the legal regulation of media, the development of media landscape, the economic conditions affecting the development of media, the role of regulatory authorities, transparency of media ownership and financing, editorial independence as well as media ethics and education of journalists. Naturally, all these factors have been considered in terms of the impact they do have on the strengthening of media independence and freedom of expression in the Albanian society." (Page 1)
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"The May 2011 general election has been the most contested and most discussed in Singapore’s history. Prior to the polls, the government relaxed the rules on election campaigning in the Internet. For the first time in the highly wired city-state with its tech-savvy population of 5 million people,
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opposition parties had the chance to mobilize supporters via social-networking media like Facebook and Twitter. Bloggers used cyberspace extensively for political debate and comment. While the ever-ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) posted its worst result in decades, the opposition gained historical victories, at least by Singapore standards. Observers were quick to label the polls as an “Internet election”, implying that media activism in the city-state’s cyberspace had a decisive impact on the ballot. A more measured reading of the election outcome, however, suggests that the polls were not decided in Singapore’s web. The voters’ choice was largely influenced by bread-and-butter issues as well as a call for divergent voices in politics and more control of the government. Although online political expression since the mid-1990s has challenged the PAP’s authoritarian rule and has changed Singapore’s political culture, its impact in electoral terms has so far been limited. The PAP still keeps the city-state tightly under control, online and offline, and is likely to continue its dominance in the foreseeable future. It remains to be seen if Internet media activism can push the city-state towards an open democracy." (Abstract)
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"There seems little evidence that the rise and increasing availability and range of new media have given real reason to expect different political outcomes on grounds of new patterns of mobilization, particularly given a persistent “digital divide.” What has been happening, though, is an increas
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e in politicization broadly, and especially among urban youth, who form a formidable and aggressively-courted portion of the voting public. Those young voters with a partisan preference are more likely now than previously to exercise that preference, not just by voting, but also by finding and engaging with information and likeminded communities online or off. At any time, media are critical to movements for sociopolitical change, beyond elections. The spread of online news sites, blogs, social networking sites, and other new media increases the odds of media coverage of all sorts of engagement going forward, and may shift the locus of framing away from the state. All the while, the quantum of information in circulation—unfiltered and constant—grows accordingly, begging strategies for selecting what to read and what to ignore. The result is unlikely to be revolutionary, and could simply entrench existing patterns of identity politics all the more deeply, but is more likely to make Malaysia more participatory, and hence, more democratic in its politics." (Abstract)
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