"Das chinesische Festland zählte im Sommer 2009 338 Millionen Internetanwender. Dies bezieht sich auf diejenigen „User", die über sechs Jahre alt sind und sich in den letzten sechs Monaten im Internet einloggten. Das übertrifft die 312 Millionen „Worldwideweb"-Nutzer der Europäischen Union u
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nd sogar die 253 Millionen Netizens in Nord-Amerika. Die 10- bis 29-Jährigen stellen – wie in den Vorjahren – den größten Anwenderanteil. Trotz des Anstiegs der „User" in der Altersgruppe 30 bis 39 Jahre bleibt die chinesische Internetpopulation jugendlich. Analysiert man den Berufshintergrund der Netzgemeinde, steht die Gruppe der Studenten mit 32 Prozent an erster Stelle, gefolgt von Angestellten (14 Prozent) und Arbeitslosen (sieben Prozent). Die 70-prozentige Mehrheit der Internetpopulation ist in der Stadt zu Hause; die Anzahl der Internetnutzer auf dem Land nimmt – nicht zuletzt dank finanzieller und infrastruktureller Anstrengungen der Regierung – stetig zu. Den 747 Millionen chinesischen Mobiltelefonbesitzern3 ist es möglich, das Internet mobil anzuwählen; rund 155 Millionen Nutzer machen von diesem Service Gebrauch.4 Diese Zahlen dürfen nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass die Penetrationsrate des Internets innerhalb der chinesischen Bevölkerung, verglichen mit den entwickelten Teilen der Welt, weiterhin niedrig ist. (China: 27 Prozent, Deutschland: 66 Prozent, EU: 64 Prozent).5 Dem Großteil der chinesischen Internetgemeinschaft dient das Internet als Unterhaltungsmittel (Online Spiele, Musik, Videos). Das „Worldwideweb" wird außerdem für die Informationssuche genutzt und erfreut sich als Kommunikationswerkzeug großer Beliebtheit." (Seite 90-91)
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"Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people ar
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e developing their political identities—including a transnational Muslim identity—online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as the book argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to this book, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states—including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan—are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan, and Tanzania and a comparative study of seventy-four countries with large Muslim populations, this book demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies." (Publisher description)
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"Internet censorship and surveillance becomes more sophisticated. The first-generation controls like China's "Great Firewall" are being replaced by techniques that include strategically timed distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, targeted malware, take-down notices and stringent terms-of-usa
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ge policies. Their aim is to shape and limit the national information environment. This publication reports on these new trends and their implications for the global internet commons. In addition, it offers 32 detailed country profiles on internet surveillance from the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Middle East and North Africa, Asia and Europe." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"This paper begins by analyzing the trends and technologies comprising new media. Social networking sites, new mobile phone technologies, and online broadcasting sites like YouTube are assessed to show how they can be incorporated in media assistance projects. The second section continues to examine
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these changes by providing a resource base of new media tools and suggestions for developing competitive, sustainable media businesses. With a goal of establishing sustainable media businesses, development professionals should understand how quality web design principles, professionalism, and innovative approaches to measuring success all affect the long-term viability of projects. Third, this paper assesses and explains how freedom of expression, security, and privacy are affected by new media and the current legal and policy frameworks concerning new media. Widespread state-sponsored internet filtering is not common in Europe and Eurasia, though there are other forms of surveillance and instances of targeted blocking have been observed. This section also provides additional resources on governance issues covering media law and freedom of information for more in-depth reading. As media assistance projects constantly struggle to analyze impact, the fourth section provides audience and demographic information on new media technologies. Audiences using new media tend to consist of younger groups and those who are likely to drive public policy debates. Further, these resources provide useful guidance regarding new media use in Europe and Eurasia. Finally, this paper contains several reference points, including three case studies of new media technologies in Europe and Eurasia, a listing of resource-rich websites, and a glossary of new media terminology." (Executive summary)
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"Internet filtering takes place in at least forty states worldwide including many countries in Asia and the Middle East and North Africa. This publication examines the political, legal, social, and cultural contexts of Internet filtering in these states from a variety of perspectives. The six introd
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uctory chapters (only available in the print version) discuss the mechanisms and politics of Internet filtering, the strengths and limitations of the technology that powers it, the relevance of international law, ethical considerations for corporations that supply states with the tools for blocking, and the implications of Internet filtering for civil society groups that increasingly rely on Internet technologies for communicating their missions. Regional overviews and reports on Internet content regulation in forty different countries follow (which are also available online), with each country profile outlining the types of content blocked by category and documenting key findings. The study relies on the results of the "OpenNet Initiative", a collaboration of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School, the Citizen Lab at the University of Toronto, the Oxford Internet Institute at Oxford University, and the University of Cambridge." (CAMECO Update 4-2008)
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"This searching examination explores how the internet is threatening the rule of particularly repressive governments - including China, Cuba, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Syria. Addressing internet censorship, citizen journalism, and the growing popularity of blogging as a means for change, this in-dept
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h analysis provides unique insight into these cultures as well as the latest media technologies." (Publisher description)
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"The internet in the Arab World: Egypt and beyond is the first book to offer a comprehensive and up-to-date guide to the status of the internet and its uses and effects in Egypt and the Arab world. Tackling the issue in a systematic, scientific manner, this book also examines Islamic online communic
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ations, online censorship, and internet use by the civic society as an alternative channel for its mostly oppressed voices." (Back cover)
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"Attending to the status of the Internet in Iran, the present report primarily focuses on filtration. Firstly, it will touch on the current situation of the Internet in Iran. Secondly, it will look into the statutes restricting the freedom of expression including both the public media laws and the l
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aws specific to the Internet. Thirdly, it will elaborate on censorship and the methods thereof as well as the classification of the websites subject to censorship. Censored websites mentioned in this report do not include all the censored sites and are only the examples of such sites. Finally, the report will discuss briefly the rapid growth of blogging in Iran and the large-scale censorship affecting the weblogs." (Abstract)
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"This report examines Internet trends and policies in the Middle East and North Africa region as they affect freedom of expression, focusing particularly on Egypt, Iran, Syria, and Tunisia. Human Rights Watch selected these four countries for closer scrutiny as much for their differences as for thei
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r similarities, and their inclusion should not suggest that their policies are worse than those of other countries in the region. For each of the featured countries, Human Rights Watch examines government policies affecting Internet access, the role the Internet has played in fostering freedom of expression and civil society, laws restricting free expression, online censorship, and cases in which people have been detained for their online activities." (Summary, page 2)
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