"This study is based on the Intended Outcomes Needs Assessment (IONA) methodology and assesses the changing relationships between media and conflict in Myanmar. Findings reveal a deeply rooted, intractable, and dynamic conflict landscape. Analysis focuses on three key conflicts: citizen-state, ethni
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c, and intercommunal. The developing media environment has been a central feature of the transition. The range of outlets for information sharing and the diversity and reach of content are expanding rapidly. Radio has a significant influence in ethnic and conflict-affected areas. Television does as well, especially in urban areas. New media freedoms are supporting peaceful transition but are also causing harm. Certain initiatives are needed to monitor and counter hate speech online and leverage social media and online mechanisms to advance social norms that support peaceful coexistence and tolerance." (Summary)
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"This dissertation is a study about the growth and development of media in Afghanistan and its role and contribution to national and international collective efforts to build a modern, stable and democratic Afghanistan in the last decade. In pursuing my dissertation, I have examined the Afghan media
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landscape by focusing on the regulatory environment, the type and breadth of broadcast and print media, the role of donors and foreign aid and the extent to which media has a played a role in fostering democracy in the country. The dissertation concludes with analyzing the future of Afghan media and freedom of expression following the departure of foreign forces and international community at the end of 2014 and their impact on sustainability of media in light of support they have received from the outside world. The dissertation concludes that, while there are challenges ahead, Afghan media has benefited from a decade of foreign assistance, has contributed to fostering democracy in Afghanistan and can stand on its own with the decline of foreign aid to Afghanistan in the future." (Abstract)
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"News represents 23% of the total schedule on the six radio stations monitored [...] The situation of conflict had a direct influence on the subjects treated in news and information content with a focus 1) on the conflict (more than one third of news and information content) but not on grassroots co
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nflict mitigation activities (2.6%) and 2) on politics (one third of news and information content). Security issues are the main subject related to the need of the population while social subjects (food security, health and education) do not seem to be a priority at the moment [...] Analysts registered in the database 74 elements of hate speech in the print press and only four in media content broadcast by radio stations." (Page 5)
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"This briefing argues that the Iraqi media landscape of 2013 may not be the free, plural and professional fourth estate that many in the West had envisaged in 2003 but that it has real strengths – as well as weaknesses – which reflect the reality and complexity of modern Iraq. The seismic shift
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in attitudes that the Iraqi media was asked to embrace in the reconstruction of the sector after Saddam Hussein’s fall was always likely to take time. It is suggested here that the prospects for Iraq’s media are less bleak than is often assumed." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"The end of the security transition process in Afghanistan in 2014 marks the need to rethink foreign public diplomacy efforts in the country. As Afghanistan is entering its ‘transformational decade’, there is a unique opportunity to disconnect public diplomacy from the military–security paradi
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gm that has dominated international relations with Afghanistan since 2001. With a much more limited foreign military presence on the ground, public diplomacy can be considerably more than a strategy to win hearts and minds. Comparing the experiences of the United States and the Netherlands, the more sizeable American ‘model’ of public diplomacy can be considered a more defensive mechanism of foreign policy, linked to the military and counter-insurgency activities in Afghanistan, and to the broader ideological objective of being part of the debate on the relationship between ‘Islam and the West’. In contrast, the Dutch ‘model’ shows a limited public security effort that incorporates cultural activities and training as an extension of foreign policy. This model is less ideological and is not directly connected to the military conflict in Afghanistan. It is a more indirect form of supporting foreign policy objectives. What is needed beyond 2014 is an approach that is disconnected from the current military framework, that departs from the more modest and non-military Dutch model, but that includes the broader political and especially financial commitment of the American model." (Abstract)
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"This briefing examines how current media trends are affecting state and societal fragility, both positively and negatively, and argues that the role of a free and plural media should be prioritised rather than marginalised in fragile states policy. The paper provides case studies on the role and im
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pact of the media in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kenya and Somalia, examines some of the main academic and policy debates that have characterised discussion around media and fragile states, and also considers the role of public service broadcasting in fragile states. According to the executive summary "support to the media in fragile states designed to minimise the risk of division and maximise the opportunities for dialogue should feature more prominently in assistance to such states." (CAMECO Update November 2013)
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"Somalia is often described as ‘lawless’ or ‘the world’s most failed state’, a characterization that overlooks the way law and governance actually works in the absence of a capable central government. This article will explore the role of xeer law, or customary law, in regulating media, in
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cluding both older media, such as poetry, and newer media, such as mobile phones, in Somalia’s complex legal environment. While Somalia remains one of the most dangerous regions of the world for journalists, dozens of radio stations are broadcasting in South-Central Somalia and there is a competitive newspaper industry in Somaliland. In addition, the telecoms industry is booming with some of the best connections and lowest rates on the continent for the internet and mobile phones. Various authorities govern media and resolve conflicts across the Somali territories. To understand media ‘law’ in this region we must look beyond the formal state structures." (Abstract)
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"After the Anglo-American invasion, the US neo-conservative administration established the Iraqi Governing Council in July 2003, which included 25 members selected for their ethnic and religious origins; it was the most obvious sign of the US political separatist strategy. As a result of the new pol
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itical reality, the Iraqi media was divided into ethno-sectarian lines, resulting from previous policies followed by the US administration. This article argues that the US media policy prior and after the US invasion of Iraq played a part in enhancing and encouraging the sectarian divisions in the Iraqi society. This was mainly done by sending biased media messages through the state-run Iraqi Media Network (IMN) and other US-aligned channels and allowing militant voices from different Iraqi sides to wage wars of words without interfering. In fact, the only time US officials interfered is when they were criticized by Iraqi media outlets. This study cites different US government reports, accounts from media practitioners who worked for IMN and other journalists that monitored the Iraqi media." (Abstract)
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This report addresses the state of the media in Syria; the laws that regulate and restrict the media, and the attacks on the media and journalists. The report also provides a Media Map, a list of print and online publications, radio and TV stations in Syria. According to the conclusion, "the interna
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tional community and media development organizations should provide funding and training courses for media establishments in Syria that are committed to professional and objective reporting and that promote diversity and tolerance in the country."
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"Los 89 textos analizados se pueden agrupar en tres tendencias principales. 'Las miradas al oficio: riesgos, libertades y garantías para informar en medio del conflicto' ofrece un recorrido por los trabajos que le toman el pulso al estado de la libertad de prensa en Colombia y que dan cuenta de las
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iniciativas dirigidas a mejorar la calidad de la información en contextos de confrontación armada. Por su parte, 'las agendas del conflicto: fuentes, lenguajes y públicos de la información' recoge los informes que indagan por las agendas informativas del conflicto, las representaciones mediáticas de los actores allí involucrados y por el impacto que tiene la información periodística en los públicos de los medios. Finalmente, 'los escenarios emergentes: (post)conflicto, víctimas y memoria' reúne los estudios que se preguntan por la responsabilidad de los periodistas y los medios de comunicación en la construcción de futuros escenarios de postconflicto en Colombia, y que abordan los asuntos de agenda periodística a partir de variantes asociadas a la memoria y el relato." (Página 5)
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"Media interventions by international organizations and NGOs in conflict and post-conflict situations seek to develop and shape a media system to contribute to specific political and social ends. The analyses and assessments that inform these interventions are often based on an overview of the forma
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l media and governance structures, such as mass media and state institutions, and overlook informal structures that may be instrumental for political and development goals. This article proposes a framework that can incorporate both the formal and informal modes of communication and participation that characterize a society. This framework encourages a ‘diagnostic’ approach centred around three areas: power, flows, and participation, and enables researchers to take into consideration features that are often overlooked such as customary law; a range of public authorities from politicians to Imams and local elders; information flows that may vary from poetry to mobile phones; and the culture of communication. Examples from the Somali territories, which are characterized by a weak central government, are employed to highlight how informal structures and actors intervene in shaping information flows and the importance of accounting for them." (Abstract)
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"The application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to conflicts in Africa has been the subject of some scholarly and much journalistic discourse about the ending of ‘impunity’ and an extension of the normative principles of transitional justice. The trials conducted by the Special Court fo
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r Sierra Leone (SCSL) were brought to audiences in both countries by a media that has had scant experience in grappling with such weighty jurisprudential concepts. A research project is examining attitudes towards the reporting of two of those trials. This article discusses preliminary findings from the research and argues that the media is performing a wider role in legitimizing post-Conflict governance by providing a platform for civil society organizations." (Abstract)
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"How does media contribute to peacebuilding and reconciliation in a post-conflict environment? This question will be answered in respect to the media produced by the UN and NATO mission in Kosovo (UNMIK and KFOR) from the year 1999 until 2008. The theoretical part of the text will deal with existing
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approaches to peace journalism, effective organizational communication and media effects theories. In the empirical part, the evaluation will first focus on the content of the media produced by UNMIK and KFOR in Kosovo, followed by the assessment of media production processes in both missions. Last, the dissertation will explore the impact of UNMIK's and KFOR's media within the local Kosovar population." (Back cover)
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"This paper documents the effect of Serbian public radio on the voting behavior and nationalistic anti-Serbian sentiment of Croats in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem, a post-conflict region of modern Croatia on the border with Serbia. We find that the exposure to the Serbian public radi
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o convinces some Croats to switch to voting for ultra-nationalist parties from voting to moderate nationalist party. In addition, exposure to Serbian public radio increases the incidence of ethnically-offensive graffiti on public buildings in the center of their villages. The results of a laboratory experiment confirm that Serbian public radio causes an increase in anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats. Our results indicate that foreign media can have substantial cross-border effects in countries characterized by post-conflict ethnic tensions such as Croatia. These findings are likely to apply more generally to areas of past conflict with similar languages and overlapping media markets. This suggests that peaceful relations between neighboring countries depend in part on the content of media programming, and the extent of media overlap. Hence, nation-building efforts implicit in the nationalistic content of the media (in this case, the Serbian radio) can have important spillovers on the persistence of peace between countries." (Conclusion, page 22)
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"A historical survey of the Iraqi media from its beginning up to the present day, focusing on the post-2003 media scene and the political and societal divisions that occurred in Iraq after US-led occupation. Investigates the nature of the media outlets and offers an analysis of the way Iraqi satelli
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te channels covered the 2010 general elections." (Publisher description)
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