"Feminist internet research considers how gender justice can be achieved in the ways we belong, work and make on the internet and shows that this is not possible without considering the economic and environmental dimensions of the internet as well as the intersectionality of discriminations and viol
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ence that women, LGBTIQA+ people and others face on the internet, based on our various identities as well as our structural inequalities. Feminist research finds that while state and development actors promote the "empowerment" dimensions of women and other marginalised groups of people gaining access to the internet, the lack of an underlying rights framework results in such access not coming hand in hand with relevant freedoms and protections that would ensure meaningful and sustainable access." (Overview of findings, page 14)
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"Depuis le début du siècle courant, le Maroc a entrepris une série de stratégies centrées sur les technologies numériques. Il en a fait un choix politique délibéré et de premier ordre. La logique sous-jacente à l’ensemble de ces stratégies consistait à faire du numérique un outil de d
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éveloppement économique et social. Et l’ambition qui présidait était de faire de la transformation numérique la clef de voute de la transformation de l’économie, de l’administration, du territoire et de la société. Après presque deux décennies, et malgré les quelques avancées quantitatives réalisées ici ou là, les stratégies mises en oeuvre ont débouché sur un bilan mitigé. La montée en puissance demeure toujours un voeu pieux, faute d’une vision claire, de niveaux de pilotage cohérents et de mécanismes d’évaluation et de gouvernance probants." (Dos de couverture)
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"This book has compiled the tech policy debate into a toolkit for policy makers, legal experts, and academics seeking to address platform dominance and its impact on society today. It discusses the global consensus around technology regulation with recommendations of cutting-edge policy innovations
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from around the world. It also explores the proposed policy toolkit through comprehensive coverage of existing and future policy on data, antitrust, competition, freedom of expression, jurisdiction, fake news, elections, liability, and accountability. The book identifies potential policy impacts on global communication, user rights, public welfare, and economic activity. It outlines a policy framework that address the interlocking challenges of contemporary tech regulation and offer actionable solutions for the technological future." (Publisher description)
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"This book presents the collectively authored Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Manifesto and accompanying materials. The Internet and the media landscape are broken. The dominant commercial Internet platforms endanger democracy. They have created a communications landscape overwhelme
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d by surveillance, advertising, fake news, hate speech, conspiracy theories, and algorithmic politics. Commercial Internet platforms have harmed citizens, users, everyday life, and society. Democracy and digital democracy require Public Service Media. A democracy-enhancing Internet requires Public Service Media becoming Public Service Internet platforms – an Internet of the public, by the public, and for the public; an Internet that advances instead of threatens democracy and the public sphere. The Public Service Internet is based on Internet platforms operated by a variety of Public Service Media, taking the public service remit into the digital age. The Public Service Internet provides opportunities for public debate, participation, and the advancement of social cohesion. Accompanying the Manifesto are materials that informed its creation: Christian Fuchs’ report of the results of the Public Service Media/Internet Survey, the written version of Graham Murdock’s online talk on public service media today, and a summary of an ecomitee.com discussion of the Manifesto’s foundations." (www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk)
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"Die Publikation führt in die Thematiken einer feministischen Netzpolitik ein und zeigt deren Potentiale auf. Zudem unternimmt sie den Versuch, einen neuen Gesellschaftsvertrag des Digitalen zu entwerfen. Anhand von zwei zentralen Themen- und Diskussionsfeldern, „Digitale Gewalt“ und „Überwa
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chung versus Privatheit“ wird ein Ausblick auf eine geschlechtergerechte digitale Gesellschaft gegeben. Netzpolitik für und in der digitalen Gesellschaft ist einem steten Wandel unterworfen. Als klassisches Politikfeld noch im Entstehen, fehlen bislang tiefergehende feministische Analysen für diesen Prozess. Die Publikation zeichnet bisherige feministische Perspektiven, etwa Cyberfeminismus oder Netzfeminismus, nach." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This introductory handbook to the development of ICT policy in Africa aims to assist law makers, government officials, lawyers, civil society organisations (CSOs), academics and members of the public engaged in the development and implementation of ICT policy. Its primary purpose is to provide an i
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ntroductory overview of the fundamental concepts and regulatory issues emerging in the process of ICT policy making, and to introduce good practice models for how to approach both the process and the issues as they emerge. Recognising that ICT policy making is a complex and developing subject area, this handbook is not an exhaustive resource. It is an introductory guide to support the user in finding their feet in fast-paced and often overwhelming field so that they can participate meaningfully in ICT policy making processes as they also develop their knowledge through further research and direct experience. This handbook seeks to provide users with the overarching principles, good practices and strategies that can be applied in a multitude of circumstances. It may also be used as a training resource. In particular, Appendix 2 provides practical exercises and resources which can be completed in both self-managed as well as facilitated learning contexts to help users of this handbook apply theory to real-world ICT governance problems." (Introduction, page 5)
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"Wie wahren wir die Menschen-, Grund- und Bürgerrechte? Und wie können wir unsere Werte für die Gestaltung disruptiver Innovationen und der digitalen Zukunft nutzen? Die Autor*innen aus Politik, Wissenschaft und Praxis zeigen auf, wie technologische Phänomene mit unseren Werten in Einklang gebra
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cht werden können und diskutieren normative Impulse und Ideen für die Regelung des Gemeinwohls in der digitalen Welt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The Digital Ecosystem Framework is organized around three separate, overlapping pillars:
Digital Infrastructure and Adoption: the resources that make digital systems possible and how individuals and organizations access and use these resources;
Digital Society, Rights, and Governance: how digital t
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echnology intersects with government, civil society, and the media;
Digital Economy: the role digital technology plays in increasing economic opportunity and efficiency.
USAID’s Digital Ecosystem framework encompasses four cross-cutting topics:
Inclusion: reducing disparities in access and the “digital divide”;
Cybersecurity: protecting information against damage, unauthorized use or modification, or exploitation;
Emerging Technologies: encompassing artificial intelligence, Internet of Things, blockchain, 5G and other new technologies;
Geopolitical Positioning: the influence of authoritarian states that are actively working to shape the global digital space." (https://www.ictworks.org/usaid-digital-ecosystem-framework)
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"La Asociación por los Derechos Civiles (ADC) tiene la misión de defender los derechos fundamentales mediante la contribución al diseño de políticas por parte del sector público y privado. Las respuestas de los gobiernos deben promover un espacio público amplio y robusto en internet. Este deb
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er implica asegurar la libertad de expresión de los usuarios, garantizar condiciones favorables para la creación de grupos online (libertad de asociación) y permitir el ejercicio del derecho de protesta en plataformas (libertad de reunión). Al mismo tiempo, las empresas privadas también tienen la obligación de contribuir a dicha finalidad. Las grandes plataformas poseen un amplio poder para determinar las condiciones en que el discurso puede circular a través de internet. La influencia de estas entidades es incluso mayor que la de muchos países y, por lo tanto, su accionar puede impedir seriamente la circulación de ideas y opiniones. De este modo, el sector privado también se encuentra sujeto al deber de respetar los derechos humanos. La crisis sanitaria producida por el Covid-19 y la intensificación de la polarización política alrededor del mundo -con la situación de Estados Unidos como ejemplo central- ha atraído la atención de la ciudadanía acerca del rol de los Estados y las plataformas para abordar fenómenos como la desinformación y el discurso de odio. Las acciones adoptadas por gobiernos y compañías deben ser sometidas a la más estricta evaluación, ya que ellas influenciarán la forma en que el debate público se llevará a cabo en el futuro." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"The paper looks at 6 areas where the EU can tackle digitalisation while strengthening development and democracy at the same time. These are: automated decision-making in public administration; data protection; internet access; accountability and control of tech; a free information environment, and;
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the digital divide. Four broad conclusions emerge from the analysis: The global nature of digitalisation, combined with the local impact of its consequences, places all the challenges and possible responses outlined above in a sort of operational middle-ground, a policy arena where the multilateral and the bilateral must converge to deliver results that do not undermine each other. Arguably, this is what will ultimately determine the success or failure of ‘geographisation’: the capacity of EU Delegations to develop fruitful partnerships with partner countries to jointly tackle the most pressing global challenges – not only digitalisation, but also climate change, migration or inequalities – while responding to the most urgent needs of their populations." (Executive summary)
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"Existing international alliances and institutions are falling short in protecting the future of the internet.Our report, presented as a series, sets out a new model of internet internationalism that reassesses states’ core interests and identifies novel coalitions that combine security guarantees
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with commitments towards an open internet. We recommend that: 1. D10 countries establish a Digital Infrastructure & Defence Alliance (DIDA). This would be a novel coalition starting with, but not limited to, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, South Korea, the UK and US. These nations would cooperate on collective internet security and supply chains; regulatory coordination, including a mechanism to discourage internet shutdowns; cybersecurity; and global infrastructure to compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Importantly, the alliance should create trade, security and economic incentives to encourage other countries to join up.
2. The UN creates a “Strategic Geopolitical Status” designation as part of a new geopolitical settlement with global tech. Applicable to large technology firms with global geopolitical importance, this would require the creation of a self-regulatory, industry-wide body, with Permanent Observer status at the UN. Firms would also be required to set out an explicit “international policy” detailing their roles as proponents of an open internet.
3. The UN, D10 and Strategic Geopolitical Status fifirms establish a Multi-Stakeholder Panel on Internet Policy (MPIP), modelled on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, to oversee the ecosystem. Composed of nation-states, civil-society organisations and industry, the MPIP would provide an early-warning system about the health of global information and communication networks. Additionally, it would evaluate progress on reforms, including institutional, where a lack of accountability has traditionally held them back.
4. All countries, at minimum the D10, create foreign-policy strategies integrating digital, data and technology into diplomacy. This would include empowering a new cadre of technology diplomats and ambassadors to align siloed approaches to internet and foreign policy, and to build state capacity to enable coordination across global-technology issues including cybersecurity, technical standards and platform regulation." (Pages 1-2)
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"Divisive Internet regulation is fragmenting the formerly worldwide web into numerous shards that follow their own rules. The US, the EU and China are influential in shaping regulation even beyond their own jurisdictions, with consequences for human rights, particularly in Africa. This paper argues
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that, as of 2020, the Western post-9/11 security agenda and uncontrolled digital capitalism had a more detrimental impact on Internet regulation in Africa than the authoritarian Chinese concept of Internet sovereignty, seriously affecting freedom of expression and the right to privacy online. However, particularly authoritarian governments in Africa use China’s economic and political agenda to their advantage, leaving civil societies at the mercy of digitally empowered states. Direct ways of impacting Internet regulation in Africa include loans, development programs or influential laws, whereas indirect means include engagement in multilateral and multi-stakeholder fora. Besides the political and economic interests of states, the datafication agendas of ICT corporations shape Internet landscapes in Africa. An emerging data protection framework pushed by the EU has the potential to mitigate their impact. Other means of protecting human rights require a united approach by the African Union and a deconstruction of digital capitalism and dependence relations between African states and the Global North." (Abstract)
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"The meaningful connectivity standard is a tool to raise the bar for internet access and set more ambitious policy goals for digital development. It sets minimum thresholds across the four dimensions of internet access that matter most to users. These are: regular internet use - minimum threshold: d
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aily use; an appropriate device - minimum threshold: access to a smartphone; enough data - minimum threshold: an unlimited broadband connection at home or a place of work or study; a fast connection - minimum threshold: 4G mobile connectivity." (Introduction)
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"China is making a sustained effort to become a ‘cyber superpower’. An integral part of this effort is the propagation by Beijing of the notion of ‘internet sovereignty’ – China’s supreme right to govern the internet within its borders and keep it under rigid control. Chinese companies w
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ork closely with Chinese state authorities to export technology to Africa in order to extend China’s influence and promote its cyberspace governance model. This contribution argues that the rapid expansion across Africa of Chinese technology companies and their products warrants vigilance. If African governments fail to advance their own values and interests – including freedom of expression, free enterprise and the rule of law – with equal boldness, the ‘China model’ of digital governance by default might very well become the ‘Africa model’." (Abstract)
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"In 2021, the international community has the chance to radically reform global digital governance. The aim should be to guarantee a global, open, free, stable and secure Internet while promoting responsible State behaviour in cyberspace. Mapping the two strands of this policy – improving models f
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or cooperation on the collective development of Internet governance, and implementing the cyber norms already adopted – is a matter for the United Nations (UN). A reformed architecture for digital cooperation has the potential to make Internet governance more inclusive and effective, while new mechanisms can help to advance the currently divided debate on cyber norms and enhance the predictability of State behaviour in cyberspace." (Page 1)
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