"During the transition years, Albania saw the establishment of a relatively complete legal framework for the protection and development of media freedom and independence.However, in many cases, the legal framework was delayed or a mechanical transplant of western legislation. Enforcement of legislat
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ion remains a problem. In the framework of relations between the media and politics, both in the early transition phases and during recent years, there have been frequent efforts of political formations to ensure in a way control Relations between media and politics in Albania over the media through law as in the case of the Press Law or the case of legislation establishing the regulations for the election of the Steering Council of RTSH and AMA, which gives the opportunity to the political majority to decide on the composition of the steering bodies of these two institutions. In terms of transparency over media ownership, Albania has made progress, but the concern is raised regarding the possibility of hidden ownership. Besides the ownership factor, their funding also has played a considerable role in the degree of dependence or independence of the media. In this regard, for many domestic analysts or international rapporteurs, the situation remains alarming. The EU Progress Report on Albania notes that media financing remains very problematic. There is almost no transparency and funding sources are manipulated or hidden. Similar to countries of the polarized pluralistic media model, in Albania too, professional organizations and the trade unions of journalists are generally weak. An indicator of the lack of organization of the media and the journalists’ community is also the fact that Albania, for a long period during the transition years, has not managed to have a Media Council, which exists in the majority of the region’s countries. The inexistence or poor role of journalists’ associations has led to a poor level of self-regulation of media in the country." (Executive summary)
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"Only 11 percent of 75 surveyed journalists said Cambodian media was headed in the right direction, down from 71 percent in 2015. 83 percent said media freedom had decreased in the past year. 92 percent consider the shutdowns of independent media outlets this year to have been political. 38 percent
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said they had been verbally or physically attacked sometime during their careers in Cambodia, and 47 percent said they had been threatened at one point, up from 26 and 29 percent in 2015. 14 percent said they had been verbally or physically attacked during the past year, and 20 percent said they had been threatened. 67 percent of journalists said they do not feel completely free to report on all subjects without fear of interference or repercussions, up from 58 percent in 2015 and 47 percent in 2014. 91 percent use encrypted messaging service WhatsApp for work communications. Corruption was rated as the most difficult topic to report on in Cambodia, with an average score of 4.2 out of 5. 60 percent said they had participated in more than five training sessions during their careers in Cambodia. 85 percent said they did not think the majority of journalists in Cambodia conducted themselves with sufficient professionalism. The Cambodia Daily, Phnom Penh Post and Voice of America were rated as the most independent media outlets in Cambodia in 2017. Fresh News, Nice TV and Bayon were rated the least independent." (Key findings, page 2)
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"Kolumbien verfügt über ein hybrides Mediensystem (Voltmer 2012: 238), das autoritäre und demokratische Merkmale miteinander kombiniert. Die Entwicklung des Mediensystems wird in diesem Beitrag als Konsequenz aus der Kombination formal demokratischer Institutionen mit einer oligarchischen Renten
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konomie interpretiert." (Seite 541)
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"In this article we review research published since the publication of Comparing Media Systems which seeks to operationalize concepts discussed in that work and to test the framework proposed there or to put forward alternatives or revisions. We focus on works that deal with the original 18 countrie
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s covered in Comparing Media Systems, and consider the progress made in developing quantitative measures across these cases for key variables, research testing the grouping of cases in Comparing Media Systems, research extending the comparative analysis of Western media systems to new media, and research on convergence toward the Liberal Model. In the final section, we focus on limitations of the research produced during the 10 years following the publication of Comparing Media Systems, particularly the heavy emphasis on quantitative operationalization, and some of the difficulties in using quantitative analysis to investigate complex, dynamic systems." (Abstract)
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"The conventional method for studying media systems has been to analyse the relationship between media and politics, based on Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) seminal research Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Their approach automatically places the nation-state as the key un
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it of analysis to understand why media systems are the way they are and why they change. Research that has advanced this endogenous method of analysis in countries outside of the Western, democratically advanced context, has brought to light the importance of including external factors in studying media systems. Building off this analytical direction, this thesis introduces three new external factors; foreign aid, the conditionalities attached to foreign aid, and the role of externally created Pan-African media policy agreements. Using a case study of Malawi, a small aid-dependent country in Southeast Africa, this research interrogates these three factors to reveal that foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that has been used for manipulating change and shaping the type of media Malawi has. Based on the country’s recent transformation from its authoritarian populist past towards the dominant liberal media model in 2012, this research also reassesses Hallin and Mancini’s convergence thesis, which claimed that most countries are ‘naturally’ heading towards the dominant liberal media model. Drawing on theoretical contributions made from the fields of international relations and international development, this thesis develops a critical international political economy approach to the theory of foreign intervention to challenge this claim." (Abstract)
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"Seit der Unabhängigkeit 1991 ist in Kasachstan ein Mediensystem entstanden, das formal viele Gemeinsamkeiten mit den Mediensystemen in konsolidierten Demokratien aufweist. Die Verfassung garantiert Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit, auf dem Medienmarkt herrscht Vielfalt, das Internet gewinnt zulasten d
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er Printmedien an Bedeutung, und das Fernsehen erreicht nahezu jeden Haushalt. Doch tatsächlich ist die Lage anders. Der Staat kontrolliert und zensiert die Medien, die Pressefreiheit ist eingeschränkt, Medien haben kaum Zugang zu Informationen. Außerdem fehlen Organe der Selbstkontrolle der Presse oder eine Berufsvereinigung der Journalisten. Diese Strukturdefizite sollten behoben werden. Nötig wären freie Medien, die objektiv und umfassend informieren und den Bürgern Meinungsbildung zur Innen- und Außenpolitik Kasachstans ermöglichen. Davon würde auch die Staatsmacht profitieren." (Abstract)
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"This work has striven to examine the Lebanese media system from a comparative perspective by applying the Hallin and Mancini theoretical framework. This has helped illuminate salient factors influencing the Lebanese media system. The use of the framework also revealed the necessity of considerable
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contextual adaptation. In particular, state weakness, the strengths of non-state actors, the small market and the politicized political culture all emerged as indicators that have a significant impact on the Lebanese media system and potentially other similar systems. The work concludes with the suggestion of the CriSPP Model, which primarily serves to incite further comparative research." (Conclusion)
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"The handbook is based on the authors’ varied experiences from consulting the implementation of media mappings in several transitional countries and it will focus on two of these projects: a. mapping the Mongolian media landscape initiated in 1999 ten years after the break down of Communism and b.
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the mapping of the Libyan media landscape initiated in 2012 one year after the Libyan revolution in 2011 and the ouster of Muammar Qaddafi. Developing on the experiences from these two projects and subsequent reflections the authors investigate why the Mongolian project was a success and still operating and in turn why the Libyan was far less successful despite similar methodological approaches. On the basis of these experiences the authors provide a description of a number of general circumstances that the authors recommend should be taken into account before and during the process of setting up a media mapping capacity." (IMS website)
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"The three countries that this year experienced a decrease in overall score—Belarus, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan—were ones last year that had showed small but unexpected increases. Last year’s Executive Summary indicated that such increases were unlikely to be part of a larger upward trend; pan
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elists’ scores this year for all three ended up placing the three more or less where they stood in 2014. A similar phenomenon occurred this year with Tajikistan. Panelists there gave scores that increase the overall score in the country by 0.18 despite the fact that many serious threats to the media sector exist, including government pressure and harassment of critical voices, concentration of media control, poor quality reporting, and difficulty for independent media in raising revenue. Except for Objective 3, Plurality of News, all objectives received higher scores. Reading the chapter text, however, one does not get the impression that much positive is happening to improve the ability of Tajik media to serve as the Fourth Estate." (Executive summary)
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"This report, produced by a participatory research process that took over a year, provides a comprehensive assessment of the environment for media sector’s development in Sri Lanka. It is based on UNESCO’s Media Development Indicator (MDI) framework, which looks at the diferent factors which sho
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uld contribute to media development, including the legal framework, economic conditions, human resource development, the technological environment and safety, as well as the actual state of media development in the country." (Back cover)
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"Myanmar should sign and ratify international treaties which pertain to freedom of expression, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the (first) Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on the Elimina
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tion of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. The 2008 Constitution should be amended to strengthen guarantees of freedom of expression (i.e. Article 354) and the right to information. These guarantees should not allow ordinary laws to restrict these rights but should, instead, impose clear conditions on any laws which restrict these rights. Only a judiciary that acts independently can properly interpret laws which restrict freedom of expression in the public interest. The government should promote the independence of the judiciary and address reported corruption issues within it. The government should promote wider public participation in legal reform processes and more proactively communicate on the legal reforms pertaining to freedom of expression by creating wider opportunities for interactions with the public." (Key recommendations, page xxvi)
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"This report contains the collected, examined, and produced information on the fundamental characteristics of the media and communication industries, whenever possible, in the MENA region as a whole. It typically includes 14 countries from Mauritania on the Atlantic Ocean to Oman on the Arab Gulf. F
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ive MENA countries have been selected for more detailed information: Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. In probing the media landscape, we examine large and small countries from North Africa and the Gulf; some that are quite stable, some more turbulent; media-rich and media-poor with different regimes and degrees of media regulation. So, this report finally complements our surveys of the media audience with a close and systematic look at the media content offering, its production, and distribution. This report consists of sections for each individual medium as traditionally defined: television, film, radio, magazines, newspapers, and recorded music. With the ongoing (but not total) migration of traditional media to digital platforms, digital has a section of its own." (www.mideastmedia.org/industry/2016/about/#s68)
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"The Syrian Civil War has shaken the country’s media landscape and provided space for the nascent emergence of an independent Syrian media. Syria’s media culture is undergoing significant transformation from a top-down, state-run industry, to a diverse arena populated by competing viewpoints and
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driven by communities. This paper maps the changes in Syrian media since the beginning of the uprising in 2011, and explores the constraints facing independent media moving forward. Stronger mechanisms to support independent media in Syria are needed—such as additional and consistent funding, industry associations, and ease of travel—to develop a more open media culture in Syria, and foster a democratic and pluralistic post-conflict society." (Summary)
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"Lo que hace algunos años era un escenario de polarización entre medios de comunicación anti-Chávez y pro-Chávez sumamente tendenciosos, lo cual era el reflejo de una sociedad dividida, se ha convertido en un escenario de control gubernamental, directo o indirecto, sobre la mayor parte del disc
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urso público [...] Sin embargo, en medio de este panorama desolador para la libertad de expresión, hay rayos de esperanza: han surgido nuevos medios de comunicación independientes y en su mayoría digitales que están determinados a enfrentar las dificultades y contar la historia de lo que realmente está ocurriendo en Venezuela. Sus reportajes han sido finalistas o ganadores de varios de los premios de periodismo más prestigiosos del continente; uno de estos reportajes documenta precisamente la compra de medios de comunicación por parte de amigos del gobierno, y el consecuente cambio en la línea editorial que obligó a muchos periodistas y editores a renunciar. Las recomendaciones finales de este documento incluyen un llamado para una reforma urgente del marco legal en el que los medios de comunicación operan; el acceso pleno a la información pública y a los funcionarios públicos; y un mayor apoyo para que el periodismo de investigación y los medios independientes en Venezuela se relacionen con colegas en el continente y aumenten su capacidad para informar de manera factual acerca de la situación crítica que vive el país." (Resumen)
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