"Seemingly, Slovaks have access to a wealth of news sources. In reality, though, the market is concentrated in the hands of a few large players. Powerful financial groups such as Penta Investments and J&T, and a handful of magnates including Ivan Kmotrik and Andrej Babis (who is also Czech Republicâ
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€™s prime minister) exert decisive influence in the ownership of most major media companies. They are also close to politicians (if they are not themselves one), which means big leverage in regulatory affairs. The entry on the Slovak market of PPF, a Czech financial group led by another wealthy oligarch, Petr Kellner, which bought Markiza TV in 2019, is further cementing the oligarchic control in the country’s media. The Antimonopoly Office of the Slovak Republic known as PMU is much responsible for the shape of the Slovak media market. It has been the PMU that approved a spate of merger cases allowing the expansion of some media owners. Decisions by the PMU in 2015-2016 allowed Penta Investments to take over several major publishers. It was one of these deals that prompted journalists from the daily Sme (acquired by Penta) to leave and set up DennikN. Civil society exerts little influence. International groups are not effective either. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), a Vienna-based intergovernmental group, has some political leverage, but that does not materialize in any earth-shattering policy changes or palpable improvements for journalists. For example, in early March 2018, Harlem Desir, the head of media at OSCE, called on Slovak authorities in a meeting in Bratislava to investigate the killing by unknown assaulters in February 2018 of the Slovak investigative journalist Jan Kuciak. Instead, two months later, Slovak police began to harass Pavla Holcova, a Slovak journalist who was trying to help with the police investigation. It was only after massive pressures from citizens and journalism groups from abroad that four people were finally charged in October 2019 over Kuciak’s killing. Besides regulation, tightly controlled by authorities and highly politicized, the government plays also a direct role in the Slovak media market. Funding from license fees collected from all Slovak households and state budget makes the public broadcaster RTVS the largest player in the country’s media with a budget in excess of €115m. That is not necessarily bad. For some years, the Slovak public got its money’s worth. The station earned a feather in its cap for improved programming." (Key findings, pages 6-7)
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"The challenges to humanity posed by the digital future, the first detailed examination of the unprecedented form of power called "surveillance capitalism," and the quest by powerful corporations to predict and control us. The heady optimism of the Internet's early days is gone. Technologies that we
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re meant to liberate us have deepened inequality and stoked divisions. Tech companies gather our information online and sell it to the highest bidder, whether government or retailer. Profits now depend not only on predicting our behaviour but modifying it too. How will this fusion of capitalism and the digital shape our values and define our future? Shoshana Zuboff shows that we are at a crossroads. We still have the power to decide what kind of world we want to live in, and what we decide now will shape the rest of the century. Our choices: allow technology to enrich the few and impoverish the many, or harness it and distribute its benefits. The Age of Surveillance Capitalism is a deeply-reasoned examination of the threat of unprecedented power free from democratic oversight. As it explores this new capitalism's impact on society, politics, business, and technology, it exposes the struggles that will decide both the next chapter of capitalism and the meaning of information civilization. Most critically, it shows how we can protect ourselves and our communities and ensure we are the masters of the digital rather than its slaves." (Publisher description)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"Only three of the ten most popular television channels in Kazakhstan are not government-owned. Former President Nursultan Nazarbayev directly or through his family, also owns television channels. For example, KTK, the second most watched television channel in the country is run by the Foundation of
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the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan-Elbasy. Another popular television channel, NTK, is owned directly by a Nazarbayev family member. Nazarbayev resigned in March 2019, but political analysts say that he did so to be able, before he dies, to supervise a smooth transition to a new regime that will continue his policies, ensuring centralization of political control and preventing criticism of authorities as Nazarbayev did during his 29-year tenure. When it comes to online news, the Government owns three of the 10 most visited websites: Kazinform.kz, Bnews.kz and 24.kz. In fact, none of the most popular news portals in Kazakhstan are independent and truly free of government control. For example, TengriNews.kz, one of the most read news websites is owned by the company Alash Media Group, which is known for promoting a strong pro-government narrative.
The foreign influence in Kazakhstan’s media landscape is limited as foreigners can own only 20% of a media company. That being said, the Russian influence in the Kazakh media is notable. The most popular television channel in the country, Eurasia, jointly owned by the governments of Kazakhstan and Russia, is known for promoting a heavy pro-Russian agenda on world affairs. Another popular television channel, Channel 31 (31 Kanal) is co-owned by Bulat Utemuratov, a wealthy local businessman, and the Russian-funded STS Media Holding. Kenes Rakishev, another entrepreneur, owner of Channel Seven (Sedmoy Kanal), is also a partner in Fastlane Ventures, a prominent Russian venture fund that usually invests in internet companies.
The Government is by far the largest funder in the media, with over €144m spent in cash dished out to media companies in 2017, more than the overall ad spend in Kazakhstan, according to industry estimates. Most of the government funding goes to government-owned media companies or privately held outlets that show support of the Government. For example, in television, the biggest chunk of government cash is spent on financing Khabar and Qazaqstan, two government-owned channels.
In such a centralized media environment in which the Government plays a disproportionately big role, there is hardly any space for independent journalism. Owned by a civil society activist and journalist, Vlast.kz is arguably the sole truly independent news website among the 10 most visited websites in the country. There are other independent news media such as Azattyq, the local service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, but their audience is much smaller." (Page 4)
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"With particularly low internet penetration rates, intense state censorship and heavy Chinese investment, Pakistan presents elements of an authoritarian internet culture where surveillance is a barely-questioned norm, unless probed by civil society organizations or journalists. Social media giants s
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uch as Facebook and Twitter have come into minor clashes with the Pakistani government where enforcing content blockage/regulation is concerned. For example, the government in 2018 expanded the remit of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) to allow the regulator to block various types of content.[1] Journalists have begun to self-censor out of threats to their lives. Nearly 88% of Pakistan’s journalists said that they selfcensored, according to a 2018 survey carried out by Media Matters for Democracy, a local NGO. China, with its China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and One Belt One Road initiative, is exporting its regulatory model of surveillance to Pakistan, thus worsening the situation. A handful of digital human rights civil society organizations have sprung up over the past few years such as Media Matters for Democracy, Digital Rights Foundation and Bytes4All, all with the aim of fighting back against invasion of privacy, freedom of speech, and safety of journalists, and raising awareness about the issue of internet and human rights in Pakistan." (Page 4)
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"The collusion between the political class and media owners [in Central and Eastern Europe] has reached unprecedented levels, leading to a phenomenon known as media capture, a situation where most or all of the news media institutions are operating as part of a government-business cartel that contro
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ls and manipulates the flow of information with the aim of protecting their unrestricted and exclusive access to public resources." (Back cover)
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"This study critically examines how the private press in Zimbabwe survived during periods of economic and political crises. In year 2010, the Zimbabwe media fraternity saw the re-opening of Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ) after closure in 2003 and the emergence of the NewsDay, published by t
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he Alpha Media Holdings (AMH). The study examines how these publishers survive the economic challenges in Zimbabwe, especially during the prolonged period of the Zimbabwe Crisis from 2010 to 2018. It critically investigates how these two publications have remained operational despite the limited advertising revenue – owing to company closures – and the adversarial relations with the government – a critical source of huge advertising revenue. Given that copy sales of newspapers hardly sustain business entities, this article explores the alternative sources of income and the impact of vested interests on alternative revenue for privately owned newspapers. It is a qualitative research based on findings from thirteen semi-structured in-depth interviews with a purposive sample of ANZ and AMH officials and journalists. Publishers have relied on two main survival strategies, namely, internal cost-cutting strategies and building good business relations with the ruling political elites. Internal cost-cutting strategies have included newsroom convergences, retrenchments, salary reductions and freezes, reduction of newspaper pages and shutting down national newspaper bureaus. External survival methods, on the other hand, have been seeking donor funding, attracting political investments and embracing the new political order for government protection in the event of failure to pay statutory obligations such as taxes and pensions." (Abstract)
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"This book offers fresh insights on digital activism and cyberconflicts through a comparison of sociopolitical and ethnoreligious movements in Nigeria. Occupy Nigeria, Boko Haram and The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) highlight the digital and organizational aspects of confl
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ict mobilization in contemporary Nigeria." (Publisher description)
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"This handbook attempts to fill the gap in empirical scholarship of media and communication research in Africa, from an Africanist perspective. The collection draws on expert knowledge of key media and communication scholars in Africa and the diaspora, offering a counter-narrative to existing Wester
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n and Eurocentric discourses of knowledge-production. As the decolonial turn takes centre stage across Africa, this collection further rethinks media and communication research in a post-colonial setting and provides empirical evidence as to why some of the methods conceptualised in Europe will not work in Africa. The result is a thorough appraisal of the current threats, challenges and opportunities facing the discipline on the continent." (Publisher description)
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"During the transition years, Albania saw the establishment of a relatively complete legal framework for the protection and development of media freedom and independence.However, in many cases, the legal framework was delayed or a mechanical transplant of western legislation. Enforcement of legislat
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ion remains a problem. In the framework of relations between the media and politics, both in the early transition phases and during recent years, there have been frequent efforts of political formations to ensure in a way control Relations between media and politics in Albania over the media through law as in the case of the Press Law or the case of legislation establishing the regulations for the election of the Steering Council of RTSH and AMA, which gives the opportunity to the political majority to decide on the composition of the steering bodies of these two institutions. In terms of transparency over media ownership, Albania has made progress, but the concern is raised regarding the possibility of hidden ownership. Besides the ownership factor, their funding also has played a considerable role in the degree of dependence or independence of the media. In this regard, for many domestic analysts or international rapporteurs, the situation remains alarming. The EU Progress Report on Albania notes that media financing remains very problematic. There is almost no transparency and funding sources are manipulated or hidden. Similar to countries of the polarized pluralistic media model, in Albania too, professional organizations and the trade unions of journalists are generally weak. An indicator of the lack of organization of the media and the journalists’ community is also the fact that Albania, for a long period during the transition years, has not managed to have a Media Council, which exists in the majority of the region’s countries. The inexistence or poor role of journalists’ associations has led to a poor level of self-regulation of media in the country." (Executive summary)
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"In the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, the fuzzy and contradictory legislation of the me
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dia realm, and the informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Being embedded in comparative politics and post-Communist media studies, it helps to understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in-between democracy and authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"In South Sudan, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the ongoing civil conflict (since 2013), ethnic and linguistic divisions, a lack of rule of law, the legacy of clientelistic networks in the media and the government, a stark urban-rural divide, and a lack of infra
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structure and funding that could support sustainable media development. In Tanzania, media capture, and media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the dominance of the CCM that enables the government to establish a legal framework to restrict freedom of the press, stark rural-urban and ZanzibarMainland divides, and a lack of local and community media in rural areas due to poor infrastructure and a lack of managerial skills. In Bangladesh, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the political polarisation of the media and journalists’ unions between the dominant AL and BNP political parties, the combination of political polarisation and low journalistic professionalism preventing politically unbiased reporting, and connections between corporate media owners and political elites that lead to politically-motivated corporate media strategies. In South Africa, media capture, media market and audience segregations are driven by: the lack of sustainable funding available to independent media outlets, prohibitive costs limiting their readership to the economic elite, and the dominance of the (politically controlled) SABC as the only source of media catering to lower-income segments of the population." (Executive summary, page vi-vii)
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