"The Center for International Media Assistance and Deutsche Welle Akademie have launched a series of regional consultations with media stakeholders–civil society and media watchdog NGOs, broadcast regulators, academics, media industry representatives, government officials, and others in the media
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and development sectors–to diagnose the problems facing independent media in the world today. The first of these conferences took place in Bogota, Colombia, in November 2015. CIMA and DW Akademie are pleased to publish Media in Latin America: A Path Forward, a summary of the discussion and the findings. We hope it will serve to foster more discussion about how independent media around the world can best be supported." (CIMA website)
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"Cet ouvrage explore les systèmes médiatiques d’Afrique subsaharienne francophone et propose des clés pour aborder leurs spécificités via nombre d’éléments historiques, politiques, sociologiques, juridiques, économiques et technologiques, indispensables pour les replacer dans leur contex
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te. Présentant la littérature de référence, enrichie par les témoignages de dizaines de journalistes africains, et puisant dans l’expérience de plusieurs ONG spécialisées, ce manuel constitue une introduction générale à des environnements médiatiques méconnus et dont les dynamiques internes sont peu explorées. Pourtant, le caractère relativement récent de la liberté de la presse, la nature semi-autoritaire ou l’instabilité chronique de plusieurs des régimes politiques de la région, la prépondérance de l’économie informelle, ainsi que les dynamiques d’appropriation et de participation des citoyens contribuent à façonner des systèmes médiatiques et des modèles professionnels particuliers qui peuvent stimuler la réflexion." (Verso)
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"Volume 1 of the Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa is a practical guide for journalists practicing in Burundi, Eritrea and Ethiopia. The handbook not only contains a comprehensive overview of applicable media laws for each country reviewed, it also contains suggestions on possible law reforms to
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improve the protection of media in these countries." (Publisher description)
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"Volume 2 of the Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa is a practical guide for journalists practising in Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda. The handbook not only contains a comprehensive overview of applicable media laws for each country reviewed, it also contains suggestions on possible law reforms to impr
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ove the protection of media in these countries." (Publisher description)
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"The three countries that this year experienced a decrease in overall score—Belarus, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan—were ones last year that had showed small but unexpected increases. Last year’s Executive Summary indicated that such increases were unlikely to be part of a larger upward trend; pan
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elists’ scores this year for all three ended up placing the three more or less where they stood in 2014. A similar phenomenon occurred this year with Tajikistan. Panelists there gave scores that increase the overall score in the country by 0.18 despite the fact that many serious threats to the media sector exist, including government pressure and harassment of critical voices, concentration of media control, poor quality reporting, and difficulty for independent media in raising revenue. Except for Objective 3, Plurality of News, all objectives received higher scores. Reading the chapter text, however, one does not get the impression that much positive is happening to improve the ability of Tajik media to serve as the Fourth Estate." (Executive summary)
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"This report, produced by a participatory research process that took over a year, provides a comprehensive assessment of the environment for media sector’s development in Sri Lanka. It is based on UNESCO’s Media Development Indicator (MDI) framework, which looks at the diferent factors which sho
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uld contribute to media development, including the legal framework, economic conditions, human resource development, the technological environment and safety, as well as the actual state of media development in the country." (Back cover)
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"Myanmar should sign and ratify international treaties which pertain to freedom of expression, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the (first) Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on the Elimina
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tion of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. The 2008 Constitution should be amended to strengthen guarantees of freedom of expression (i.e. Article 354) and the right to information. These guarantees should not allow ordinary laws to restrict these rights but should, instead, impose clear conditions on any laws which restrict these rights. Only a judiciary that acts independently can properly interpret laws which restrict freedom of expression in the public interest. The government should promote the independence of the judiciary and address reported corruption issues within it. The government should promote wider public participation in legal reform processes and more proactively communicate on the legal reforms pertaining to freedom of expression by creating wider opportunities for interactions with the public." (Key recommendations, page xxvi)
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"The Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) is a tool for assessing the risks for media pluralism in a given country. The Monitor aims to help policymakers, researchers, and civil society to understand the threat to media pluralism in different media systems through research, analysis and the provision of co
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untry data. The present Monitor has been developed and tested by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), at the European University Institute, and has been funded by the European Union. The CMPF created the prototype of the Monitor and pilot-tested it in 2014 (MPM2014), building on the 2009 Independent Study on Indicators for Media Pluralism in the Member States – Towards a Risk-Based Approach. The results of this second prototype, which was tested in 2015 (MPM2015), are published in this report. During these two rounds of implementation, the CMPF has strengthened the research design of the Monitor, co-ordinated the data collection carried out by national experts, and analysed the results, i.e., it has assessed the risks for media pluralism across EU Member States. This report presents the results and the methodology of the MPM2015 implementation, which measures risks to Media Pluralism in 19 EU countries, namely, Austria, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, and Sweden." (Executive summary)
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"I have found that Saudi Arabia and Jordan rely on counterterrorism and cybercrime regulations to prosecute online activism. Egypt uses a new anti-protest law passed in 2014 and Tunisia, in contrast, relies on old defamation and anti-drug laws that have been used for decades prior to the revolution.
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In all four countries, the prosecution and imprisonment of Internet users for expressing themselves effectively chills critical speech and cripples civil discourse–all the while neglecting to create any long-term and comprehensive solution to the threat of terrorist movements." (Executive summary)
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"Political and business elites in the countries that are the subject of this report have acquired control over a large number of public and private media, mostly through non-transparent privatization, advertising and/or budgetary support to loyal media. Consequently, media freedoms and freedom of ex
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pression in these countries are seriously impaired, as evidenced by the declining trend in the indexes of media sustainability and press freedom [...] Following the withdrawal of Western donors, some of the media known for professional reporting in the public interest are now under the direct control of ruling elites and large businesses. This also applies, unfortunately, for part of the legacy media from the 1990s. The role that Serbian B92 or BH Dani once played in these countries—offering research, independent analysis and a plurality of views—can now be found only in small alternative NGO media, Web portals, and investigative journalism centers. These are often under pressure from the government and rely mainly on foreign donors, primarily from the European Union and the United States [...] to reduce the influence of political elites, it is important to institutionalize a legal and transparent system of awarding funds to media from state budgets, establish clear rules of advertising by state institutions, and ensure transparency of media ownership. Since all these countries have EU membership aspirations, it would be of fundamental importance for the EU to insist on reforming the legal framework and on implementation of such reforms as key pre-conditions for creating the enabling climate for free and independent media." (Conclusions and recommendations)
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"The media landscape in Nicaragua has suffered substantial setbacks in recent years since President Daniel Ortega assumed power in 2007. With his government having taken hold, the number of independent media has shrunk, access to public information has become scarce, and a new governmental communica
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tions strategy drives political messaging and funding through a mix of public and private media. These outlets are controlled by members of Ortega’s family and the ruling political party, Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (Sandinista National Liberation Front, or FSLN). As an example of the climate of secrecy and opaque governance that Nicaraguans experience today, President Ortega has not participated in a press conference since he retook power. Authorities prevent independent reporters from participating in many of the official events held in public institutions. Business associates close to President Ortega bought key television stations (among them Channels 2 and 8), and now their news programs are overseen directly by Ortega’s family, according to independent news reports. Ortega’s family also holds interests in Channel 13, Viva Nicaragua. Completing this near-monopoly of television stations are Channel 4 (Multinoticias) and the state-owned Channel 6. FSLN also controls dozens of radio stations in the country and several online news portals. It follows that independent media operate in what can be called at best a semi-permissive environment: one that does not foster its sustainability." (Introduction)
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"This first-ever comprehensive assessment of the media landscape in Mongolia was undertaken in 2013-2014 to determine the level of media development in the country. The assessment was carried out by UNESCO, in partnership with a network of organizations, including the Globe International Center, the
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Press Institute, the Confederation of Mongolian Journalists, and the NGO Transparency Fund. The UNESCO/IPDC Media Development Indicators (MDIs), which were used in the assessment, are an internationally recognized analytical tool that make possible a detailed overview of national media landscapes and related media development priorities. This assessment places special emphasis on issues affecting freedom of expression and press freedom; how current state legislation impacts on the media and how it can be amended to provide more space for self-regulation within the media; legislation regarding defamation; restrictions on the daily activities of media outlets; transparency in media ownership; standards of journalism, professional training and research; and labour relations and working rights affecting journalists in their daily activities." (Executive summary)
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"[...] la présente brochure analyse le cadre juridique dans lequel s’inscrit la collaboration du pouvoir judiciaire avec les autres structures institutionnelles et non institutionnelles engagées dans le domaine de la liberté de la presse. Elle explique ensuite l’importance de l’information,
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d’une information indépendante et plurale dans le renforcement de la démocratie et dans la construction des Etats de droit. Examinons, dans un premier temps, le cadre juridique qui régit la liberté de la presse en RDC ainsi que la réforme qui est en cours pour réformer et adapter ledit cadre au contexte national." (Introduction, page 12)
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"This report details how the criminal law is used to limit peaceful expression in India. It documents examples of the ways in which vague or overbroad laws are used to stifle political dissent, harass journalists, restrict activities by nongovernmental organizations, arbitrarily block Internet sites
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or take down content, and target religious minorities and marginalized communities, such as Dalits. The report identifies laws that should be repealed or amended to bring them into line with international law and India’s treaty commitments. These laws have been misused, in many cases in defiance of Supreme Court rulings or advisories clarifying their scope. For example, in 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that speech or action constitutes sedition only if it incites or tends to incite disorder or violence. Yet various state governments continue to charge people with sedition even when that standard is not met. While India’s courts have generally protected freedom of expression, their record is uneven. Some lower courts continue to issue poorly reasoned, speech-limiting decisions, and the Supreme Court, while often a forceful defender of freedom of expression, has at times been inconsistent, leaving lower courts to choose which precedent to emphasize. This lack of consistency has contributed to an inconsistent terrain of free speech rights and left the door open to continued use of the law by local officials and interest groups to harass and intimidate unpopular and dissenting opinions." (Summary, page 2)
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"Focusing largely on the period since retired general Thein Sein assumed the presidency in 2011, the report provides an in-depth analysis of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Processions Act, the Telecommunications Act, the News Media Law, the Electronic Transactions Act, and various Penal Code pro
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visions, among other laws. It draws from interviews with individuals facing charges, former political prisoners, journalists, students, activists, and members of civil society organizations. The new NLD-led government has taken strong first steps to release political prisoners and repeal abusive laws, but with Burma’s constitution giving the militarycontrol of the police, arrests under these abusive laws continue. Human Rights Watch calls on the government to drop all pending and new charges against peaceful critics and protesters and make it a priorityto dismantle the legal infrastructure of repression in Burma by amending or repealing all laws thatcriminalize peaceful expression and bringing them into line with international human rights standards." (Back cover)
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